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New York • THOMAS YOSELOFF • London 

© 1959 by Israel Cohen 

Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 58-9743 

Thomas Yoseloff, Publisher 
11 East 36th Street 
New York 16, N.Y. 

Thomas YoselofiE Ltd. 
123 New Bond Street 
London W. 1, England 

Printed in the United States of America 
By American Book-Stratford Press, Inc. 


Sir Simon Marks. D.Sc, Hon. F.R.C.S.. 

as a Tribute to His Services 

in the Cause of Zion 






such far-reaching importance, both in international affairs 
in general as well as in developments in the Middle East 
in particular, that it is obviously desirable to have an ade- 
quate knowledge of the man who founded the political 
Zionist movement, which resulted in that event. The mate- 
rial available for the presentation of such an account is 
voluminous, for probably no other national leader kept so 
detailed a record of his labors and struggles as did Theodor 
Herzl. His Diaries, which extend to eighteen hundred 
printed pages, form a comprehensive and candid record 
of all his thoughts and actions, his plans and inter- 
views, his hopes and depressions, his successes and set- 
backs, from the day when he first conceived the Jewish 
State as the solution of the Jewish problem until mortal 
sickness overtook him nine years later. They are con- 
siderably supplemented by his works and numerous letters, 
speeches, and addresses, as well as by the writings (in the 
form either of brief biographies or of articles) by his rel- 
atives, friends, and a host of other contemporaries. More- 
over, in addition to the wealth of material upon which this 
book is based, I have had the advantage of a contemporary 
who had the privilege of seeing and speaking to Theodor 
Herzl several times in both London and Basle, and have 
been able to embody in it my personal impressions and 
recollections of that man of destiny. 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

LYRASIS IVIembers and Sloan Foundation 


Preface 7 

I. Childhood and Youth 19 

Birth in Budapest — Parentage — Traditional Marrano ances- 
try — Early education — Bar-Mitzvah ceremony — Juvenile literary 
activity — Simon Herzl — Rabbi Alkalai — Death of Pauline 
Herzl — Family's removal to Vienna. 

II. Student Years 27 

Law student at Vienna University — Variety of students' unions 
— The /i/6/a — Dueling — German nationalism — Diihring's anti- 
Semitic work — Resignation from the /4/6m — Hermann Bahr — 
Early literary efforts — Friendship with Heinrich Kana — Gradua- 
tion as Doctor of Law — Bar practice in Vienna and Salzburg. 

III. Journalist and Playwright 36 

First literary success — Visit to Berlin — Success of Tabarin in 
New York — Contributor to German and Austrian press — Travel 
in Italy — Success of comedy in Prague — Collections of causeries 

— First visit to England — Dramatic collaboration with Wittmann 

— Production of Der Flilchtling — Marriage to Julie Naschauer — 
Birth of Pauline — Plays at the Burg Theatre in Vienna — Sui- 
cide of Kana — Relations with wife — Birth of Hans — Visit to 
Paris and the Pyrenees — Appointment as Paris correspondent. 

IV. Correspondent in Paris 48 

Professional duties — Associations with French writers — Birth 
of Trude — Das Palais Bourbon — Correspondence with Schnitz- 
ler — Animosity toward theatrical managers — Interest in social 


problems — Preoccupation with the Jewish question — The 
Ghetto — Efforts to secure its production. 

V. The Visionary 63 

Personal experiences of anti-Semitism — Visit to Paris syna- 
gogue — Talk with Daudet — The Dreyfus trial — Beginning a 
Diary — Interview with Baron de Hirsch — Letters to the Baron 
— Notes for The Jewish State — A friend's reaction — Letter to 
Bismarck — Letters to Chief Rabbi Giidemann and Albert Roths- 
child — Support from Max Nordau — Departure from Paris — 
Conference with Giidemann in Munich — Theodor Hertzka's 

VI. The Apostle 78 

Anti-Semitism in Austria — Rohling and Lueger — Benedikt 
and Bacher — Influence of Neue Freie Presse — Talk with Nar- 
cisse Leven — Offer from Prime Minister Badeni of editorship of 
new paper — Attitude of Benedikt and Bacher — Interview with 
Badeni — Proposed foundation of Societe d' Etudes — Meeting in 
house of Chief Rabbi Zadok Kahn — Visit to Israel Zangwill in 
London — Address to "The Maccabaeans" — Talks with Colonel 
Goldsmid, Rev. S. Singer, and Asher Myers — Publication of 
Herzl's scheme in Jewish Chronicle — Argument with Benedikt — 
Speech to Jewish students — Pinsker's Auto-Emancipation — Pub- 
lication of The Jewish State — Summary of its arguments — Ar- 
gentina or Palestine — "The Society of Jews" and "The Jewish 
Company" — Hebrew as national language — Organized exodus 
to Jewish State. 

VII. First Political Moves 97 

Hostile reception of Herzl's pamphlet — Ignored by Neue Freie 
Presse — Letter from Gladstone — Attitude of Hovevei Zion or- 
ganization — Earlier advocates of Jewish restoration — Moses 
Hess — Kalischer, Smolenskin, Lilienblum, Ben-Yehudah, Pin- 
sker — The Kadimah — Agricultural settlements in Palestine — 
The Kattowitz Conference — Support for Herzl from societies and 
individuals — Rev. William Hechler — Death of Baron de Hirsch 
— First interview with Grand Duke of Baden — Count Philip 
Newlinsky — Visit to Constantinople — Interview with Grand 


Vizier — Welcome by Sofia Jewry — Visit to London — Talks with 
Sir Samuel Montagu, Goldsmid, and others — Public meeting in 
East End of London — Discussion with Hovevei Zion — Interview 
with Baron Edmond de Rothschild. 

VIII. Travails of Organization 126 

Talk with Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria — Financial proposals 
for Sultan — Visit to German military maneuvers — Complaints 
of Baron de Rothschild — Tension between Herzl and his editors 

— Talk with Turkish Ambassador — Renewed offer from Count 
Badeni — Public meeting in Vienna — Organizing Zionism in Aus- 
tria — David Wolffsohn — Relations with Zionists in Germany — 
Menahem Ussishkin — Visitors from Palestine — Giidemann's 
change of front — Preparations for a Congress — Difficulties of or- 
ganization — Sidney Whitman — Die Welt — Dispute with Bene- 
dikt — The "Protest Rabbis." 

IX. The First Two Congresses 151 

Herzl in Basle — The First Zionist Congress — The Basle Pro- 
gram — Founding of Zionist Organization — Herzl elected Presi- 
dent — The delegates from Russia — Ahad Ha-am's opposition — 
Prophecy of Jewish State — Reactions in press and Papal circles 

— Planning creation of a bank — Efforts to reach the Kaiser — 
Production of Das Neue Ghetto — Visit to Berlin — Proposed 
transfer of Presidency to Nordau — Spread of movement — Feder- 
ations in England and America — Decisions of conference in 
Vienna — Renewed efforts to reach Kaiser — Efforts to found 
bank — Second Congress — Decision to establish Jewish Colonial 

X. Mission to Palestine 177 

Interview with Grand Duke of Baden — First meeting with 
Billow — Invitation from the Kaiser — Bank discussions in Lon- 
don — Mass meeting in Whitechapel — Interview with Eulenburg 

— Interviews with Grand Duke of Baden and Chancellor Hohen- 
lohe — Return to Vienna — Selecting deputation for Palestine — 
Visit to Constantinople — Audience with Kaiser — Visit to Pales- 
tine — Arrival in Jerusalem — Reception of deputation by Kaiser 

— Return to Europe — Explanations of Kaiser's change of front 

— Biilow's falsification of history. 


XL The Quest for a Charter 203 

Attempt to approach the Tsar — The Nuncio in Vienna — Dif- 
ficulties about the bank — \'isit to Grand Duke of Baden — Re- 
newed effort to reach Kaiser — Jewish Colonial Trust registered 

— Death of Newlinsky — Bank conference in Cxjlogne — Sir Ash- 
mead Bartlett — Peace conference at The Hague — W. T. Stead — 
Meeting with Ivan Bloch — Nouri Bey — Visits to Paris and Lon- 
don — Allotment of J. C. T. shares — Interview with Grand Duke 
of Hesse — The Third Congress — Renewed attempt to approach 
Tsar — Resumption of playwTiting — Position on Neue Freie 
Presse improved — Talk with Ambassador Straus — Inter%'iew with 
Premier Koerber — Visits to Karlsruhe, Paris, and London — Poet 
Laureate Austin — Return to Vienna — Friendship with Vambery 

— Jewish refugees from Rumania — The Congress in London. 

XII. Negotiations with the Sultan 230 

Sympathy of English parliamentarians — Proposed loan for 
Sultan — Renewed offer from Koerber — Visits to Paris and Lon- 
don — Prohibition of immigration into Palestine — Proposed re- 
moval to London — Vambery's visit to Constantinople — Herzl 
with ^Volffsohn and Marmorek in Constantinople — Audience 
with Sultan — Proposed liquidation of Ottoman Public Debt — 
Bribery and baksheesh — Negotiations with Sultan's secretaries for 
Charter — Return to Vienna — Dejection in Paris — Seeking fi- 
nance in London — Proposed formation of Ottoman Jewish Com- 
pany — Effort to interest Cecil Rhodes — Futile letters to Sultan 

— The Fifth Congress — Jewish National Fund. 

XIII. Yildiz Kiosk and New Court 256 

Herzl's fourth visit to Constantinople — Negotiations with Sul- 
tan's secretaries — Offer of three concessions — Proposed restricted 
immigration into Ottoman territory — Three letters of credit — 
Talks with Turkish Ambassador in Vienna — Proposed establish- 
ment of University in Jerusalem — Death of Jacob Herzl — First 
interview with Lord Rothschild — Appearance before Royal Com- 
mission on Alien Immigration — Proposed Jewish settlement in 
British territory — Herzl's fifth visit to Constantinople — Inter- 
views with Grand Vizier — Publication of A It neuland — Vision of 
a future Palestine — Criticism by Ahad Ha-am. 


XIV. Sinai Peninsula Plan 285 

Interview with Joseph Chamberlain at Colonial Office — Pro- 
posed settlement in Sinai Peninsula — Inter\ iew with Lord Lans- 
downe at Foreign Office — Recuperation at Edlach — Greenberg's 
report on visit to Egypt — Lansdowne's report on Cromer's views 

— Discussions with Lord Rothschild in London — Selection of 
expedition for investigation — Expectations from Jewish Coloni- 
zation Association — Greenberg's reports from Egypt — Differ- 
ences between Herzl and Greenberg — Herzl's interview with 
Cromer in Cairo — With the Rothschilds in Paris — Further in- 
terview with Chamberlain — Meeting with LC.A. Direttors in 
Paris — Refusal of concession by Egyptian Government. 

XV. Mission to Russia 302 

The Kishineff pogrom — Herzl's request for audience with Tsar 

— The question of Mozambique — Visit to St. Petersburg — In- 
terview with Plehve — Three specific promises — Visit to General 
Kireyev — Interview with Witte — Second interview with Plehve 

— Russian Government in favor of Jewish State — Talk with Von 
Hartwig — Herzl leaves St. Petersburg disappointed — Enthusi- 
astic welcome in Vilna. 

XVI. The East Africa Offer 320 

British Government's offer — Sixth Congress — The delegation 
from Russia — Herzl's inaugural address — Nordau's support — A 
passionate debate — Resolution for expedition of inquiry — Ad- 
dresses by Franz Oppenheimer, Zangwill, Montefiore, and Soko- 
low — A hypothetical speech — Efforts to secure intervention in 
Constantinople by Russia, Germany, and Austria — Opposition 
by Ussishkin to East Africa scheme — The Kharkov Conference 

— Ultimatum to Herzl — Doubts about East Africa — Attempt on 
Nordau — Russian delegation in Vienna. 

XVII. The Closing Phase 346 

Flerzl in Rome — Interview with Papal Secretary — Interview 
with King of Italy — Audience with the Pope — Talk with Italian 
Foreign Minister — Correspondence with Greenberg about East 
Africa — A fantastic plan — Conference in Vienna — Resolution 
of conciliation — Correspondence with Jacob Schiff — Interview 


with Foreign Minister Goluchowski — Recuperating at Franzens- 
bad — Visit of Katzenelsohn — Removal to Edlach — Pneumonia 
— The passing of Herzl — His last will. 

XVIII. Epilogue 366 

Herzl's claim to immortality — His forerunners — The first 
Jewish statesman — His physical qualities — Tributes by artists — 
His intellectual gifts — Eulogies by eminent contemporaries — 
Herzl's industry and epoch-making influence —His homecoming 
to Israel. 

Bibliography 381 

Index 385 


The illustrations appear as a group after page 128 

Theodor Herzl (with autograph) 

Julie Naschauer as Herzl's bride 

Herzl's study 

Conference for the founding of Die Welt 

Herzl with a Zionist delegation sailing to Palestine 

Herzl with journalists at the Sixth Zionist Congress 

The last photograph 

Facsimile of Herzl's last letter to his mother 

Herzl's funeral 

Herzl's tomb in Vienna 

Herzl's widow 

The homecoming of Herzl 




Childhood and Youth 


born in Budapest on May 2, 1860. He was the only son of 
well-to-do, middle-class parents, who also had a daughter, 
Pauline, a year older, but they were in no way distinguished 
from the tens of thousands of members of the Jewish com- 
munity in the Hungarian capital. Exemplary and estimable 
as Jacob and Jeanette Herzl were as parents, they neither 
possessed any outstanding intellectual qualities nor displayed 
any special interest in Jewish questions that could possibly 
have suggested that they had brought into the world a child 
who was destined to influence history as the spiritual father 
of the State of Israel. They led a quiet and comfortable life, 
enjoying the affection of friends and the respect of neighbors, 
but without evincing any particular concern in affairs be- 
yond their social and communal circle. 

Jacob Herzl was born at Semlin, in Croatia, where his 
forefathers had been settled for about a couple of centuries. 
He was still a boy when he entered the business of his uncle, 
Philip Fleischel, in Debreczin, and he remained with him 
until, at the age of twenty-one, he left for Budapest (or 
rather Pest, as it was called until 1872, when Buda and Pest 
were united into one municipality). There he established 
a transport and commission agency, which prospered so 
rapidly that in 1857, when he was only twenty-two, he mar- 
ried the daughter of a wealthy clothier. Wolf Herman Dia- 
mant, who was popular in the community as a man of 



worldly wisdom and wit. These qualities were inherited by 
Jeanette Diamant, who combined with them exceptional 
beauty in a city well endowed with handsome women, and 
she, in turn, transmitted both her physical charms and 
mental gifts to her children. It was probably his mother 
rather than his father who exercised the greater influence 
upon Theodor, as the father was often away on business 
and the mother was thus primarily responsible for the boy's 
education in his early years. On the other hand, it was Jacob 
Herzl who set the tone and maintained the standard of 
religious observance in the home. He had received a 
thorough Hebrew education in his boyhood and continued 
a measure of the orthodoxy in which he had been brought 
up himself. This was by no means superficial, as his father 
Simon, who was born in 1794, was married to the daughter 
of the Rabbi of Semlin, Rebecca Bilitz, of Sephardi stock. 
Simon Herzl gave proof of his piety and devotion not only 
by a meticulous conformity with ritual laws and customs 
throughout the year, but above all by insisting on sounding 
the Shofar (ram's horn) on New Year's Day and reading the 
Kol Nidre ^ service on the evening of the Day of Atonement. 
His strict attachment to Judaism was in striking contrast 
to the laxity of his two brothers, who deserted the faith of 
their forefathers. He seemed to have been the last repository 
of a tradition that the Herzl family was descended from one 
of two brothers named Loebl, who had lived in Spain in 
the fifteenth century and had been forced by the Inquisition 
to renounce their religion and enter a monastic order.^ These 
Marrano brothers were believed to have been entrusted 

1 "All vows," the introductory prayer of the evening service. 

2 "Herzl" is a Germanized equivalent of "Loebl," which is a transliteration 
(with a local vocalization) of the Hebrew word Leb ("heart"), the additional 
"1" conveying a note of affection. 


later with a secret mission to a foreign land, which enabled 
them to reach Turkey, where they were welcomed back to 
the Jewish fold. Although this romantic story lacks docu- 
mentary support, it is not improbable that an ancestor of 
the founder of political Zionism did indeed escape from the 
fangs of the Spanish Inquisition to Turkey, from where he or 
his descendants migrrated to Croatia. 

Theodor Herzl was born in the Tabak Gasse, an un- 
pretentious street in the Jewish quarter of Budapest, not 
far from the Great Synagogue, where the Rabbi, thirty-six 
years later, vehemently denounced his advocacy of a Jewish 
State. His first private teacher, who began coming to the 
house in 1865, was a student, Adolf Iricz, who afterward 
became a well-known lawyer. Both Theodor and his sister 
made good progress in their lessons, which were at first 
limited to an hour a day so that more time might be given 
to walks; and when their mother went for a stroll with her 
handsome children, they were always the object of flattering 
compliments. The boy, who was called in the family circle 
"Dori," particularly attracted the admiring attention of 
female friends. He was always well dressed and of a lively 
disposition, and his mother set him a constant example of 
good breeding and graceful deportment. He usually accom- 
panied his father to the synagogue on Sabbaths and festivals, 
and he was initiated, at the rather early age of eight, into 
membership of the Hevra Kadisha ("Holy Society"), which 
was devoted to the care of the sick and the burial of the dead. 
The ceremony of initiation, at which he made a promise of 
lifelong loyalty to the Jewish faith and was acclaimed by those 
present as "our brother," must have made a deep impression 


upon him, but it did not entail any practical duties in the 
case of one so young. 

Theodor's systematic education began at a Jewish prepara- 
tory school, where he enjoyed some prestige as the son of 
well-to-do parents. The principal recollection of it that he 
retained in his later life was that he was caned for not 
knowing the details of the exodus of the Jews from Egypt, 
an experience that prompted him to make the sardonic 
comment that "now many schoolmasters would like to thrash 
me because I remember that exodus too well." At the age of 
ten he entered a Realschule, where most emphasis was laid 
upon modern subjects, in contrast to a Gymnasium, where 
the curriculum was devoted mainly to classical languages. 
The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 made Lesseps the 
hero of the day. Young Theodor also worshipped him, and 
his boyish imagination was fired with the idea of cutting 
throusrh the other famous isthmus, that of Panama. But, as 
he wrote in later years, he soon lost his liking for logarithms 
and trigonometry because the atmosphere at the school was 
vitiated by the venom of anti-Semitism. It was symptomatic 
of the mentality of one of his teachers that he explained the 
word "heathens" as "comprising idolators, Mohammedans, 
and Jews." After this outrageous insult Theodor had enough 
of the modern school and transferred to a Gymnasium, where 
Jewish boys were in the majority. It was his first experience 
of the race-hatred that impelled him twenty years later to 
launch his epoch-making movement. 

In accordance with the requirements of orthodox Judaism, 
he was taught the Hebrew language and the principles and 
precepts of the Jewish faith by a private tutor. On reaching 
his thirteenth birthday, he celebrated that important an- 
niversary in Jewish life by the confirmation ceremony of 
Bar-Mitzvah ("Son of the Commandment"), when he was 


called up to the reading of the Law in the synagogue on 
the Sabbath morning and cantillated a portion in the tradi- 
tional melody. There followed the customary party at home, 
where, in the presence of relatives and friends, he made a 
short speech, in which he thanked his parents for the educa- 
tion that he had received and promised that he would always 
remain faithful to his religion. Thereupon Rabbi Meisel, 
the spiritual leader of the congregation, placed his hands 
upon the boy's head and pronounced the priestly blessing. 
It was usual in most cultured Jewish families in Central and 
Western Europe for a boy to cease his Hebrew studies after 
his confirmation, and there is no reason to suppose that 
young Herzl was an exception, although he is said to have 
continued to study Jewish history. 

His school-fellows recalled him as a dark, slim boy, al- 
ways pleasant and ready to indulge in practical jokes and 
pranks. He had the reputation of not being a diligent pupil, 
as he generally came to the class unprepared, but he in- 
variably managed to scrape out of a difficulty with the aid 
of an excellent memory and alert intelligence.^ He also 
gave evidence at an early age of organizing initiative and 
literary ability, for, when only fourteen, he founded a school 
literary society, of which he was the chairman, and the 
rules and by-laws of which have been preserved.* The object 
of this society was to stimulate its members to write stories 
and poems, which they read at its meetings; and young 
Herzl, as the society's minutes record, contributed a goodly 
number, several of a humorous character. He also wrote a 
whimsical sketch of the Hungarian Parliament, which ap- 
peared in the Vienna weekly, Leben, and several of his book 
reviews and dramatic notices were published in the Pester 

3 Leon Kellner, Theodor Herzls Lehrjahre, p. 16. 

4 Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, pp. 123-127. 


Journal. It became clear, while he was still at school, that 
he wanted to become a writer— a German writer— an ambi- 
tion with which his parents fully sympathized. That he was 
not attracted to the Hungarian language was due to the fact 
that Pest at that time still had a German character, that the 
Jewish population spoke and wrote German, and that educa- 
tion was synonymous with German education. Indeed, the 
Jews in Hungary, as throughout Central Europe north of 
the Danube, were the unconscious vanguard of the German 
language and culture, and, however incredible it may now 
appear, Theodor then felt himself thoroughly Teutonic. 

There were, however, times ^vhen this lover of German 
literature came into contact with a totally different mental 
outlook, namely, when his grandfather Simon from Semlin, 
that sturdy pillar of orthodox Judaism, came to Pest on 
an annual visit or on some special occasion, such as Theodor's 
Bar-Mitzvah. For old Simon belonged to another world, 
in which Jews were more immersed in Rabbinic lore than 
in the German classics and thought more of the restoration 
of Zion than of cultural assimilation. The Rabbi of Semlin 
was then Jehuda Hai Alkalai, a zealous advocate of the 
return of the Je^vs to their ancestral land, who wrote learned 
monographs and undertook distant journeys in furtherance 
of the idea until the end of his long life. He traveled to many 
cities, including Vienna, Berlin, Paris, and even London, 
where, in 1852, he founded a society in support of his pur- 
pose, which, however, was short-lived. It would have been 
only natural that, on returning to Semlin from his various 
missions. Rabbi Alkalai should have related his adventures 
to the pious graybeards of his flock, especially in the syna- 


gogue on the Sabbath afternoon, when waiting in the gloam- 
ing for the termination of the holy day. And what more 
probable but that Simon Herzl, one of his devoted con- 
gregants, should have spoken of these journeys and aspira- 
tions of Rabbi Alkalai when he visited his son's home in 
Pest and fervently indulged in the hope that the Rabbi's 
efforts would be blessed with success? It was in 1874 that 
Alkalai eventually went to settle and die in Jerusalem, and 
if Simon Herzl went to Budapest in the same year he would 
doubtless have mentioned that notable event in the family 
circle. Young Theodor was then fourteen and would prob- 
ably have been an interested listener. Whether he, indeed, 
paid attention to his grandfather's talk and thus received the 
first stimulus toward the course along which he struck out 
twenty years later can be only a matter of conjecture. He 
makes no reference to it in his Diaries or articles in which 
he afterward traced the growth in his mind of the idea of 
the necessity of Jewish national independence, but this does 
not rule out the possibility that some words of the old 
pietist may have sunk deep into his subconsciousness. 

In 1878, the Herzl family suffered a grievous bereavement 
in the death of Pauline, a charming and gifted girl of nine- 
teen, who was struck down by typhoid. Both parents and 
brother were inconsolable, for they had been linked together 
by a strong bond of love. During the week of mourning 
the family were visited by Rabbi Kohn, who asked Theodor 
what his plans were for the future, and when the latter 
replied that he wished to become a writer the Rabbi shook 
his head disapprovingly and said that "authorship is no 
proper profession." To continue living in their home and 
in Budapest would have involved a constant reminder of 
their loss and perhaps have affected Theodor's concentration 
on his studies. He had now finished with school and w^as 



looking forward to entering the University, and since he 
preferred German to Magyar culture and the thought of a 
literary career was dominant at the back of his mind, the 
decision was taken that the family should move to Vienna. 
Theodor, who had always looked up to his sister and con- 
fided in her, missed her companionship acutely. He kept 
various souvenirs of her, and on many an anniversary of 
her death he traveled to Budapest to visit the cemetery where 
she had been laid to rest and took away some flowers from 
the grave to his parents in Vienna. 




Student Years 


Faculty of Vienna University, where he studied various 
branches of jurisprudence. He also attended lectures on 
history and economics, and, for a short time, on natural 
science, too. But his main attention was devoted to law, 
with a partiality for Roman law, as was evident later in his 
epoch-making brochure. The Jewish State. He sat at the feet 
of many professors, but none can be said to have exercised 
any influence upon him, probably because he was never 
really enthusiastic about the subjects on which they dis- 
coursed. He undertook their study primarily as a concession 
to his parents, so that he could eventually have a secure 
source of livelihood to fall back upon in case he failed to 
succeed as a writer. But it was a literary career that formed 
his ambition, and his studies were constantly accompanied 
and in no small degree hampered by his persistent efforts 
to win a name for himself as a journalist and a playwright. 
The life of a student in Vienna in the closing decades of 
the nineteenth century was rather roisterous owing to racial 
and nationalist conflicts, which often erupted into violent 
manifestations. The university world was a faithful mirror 
of the political complexity of the capital of what was then a 
large and polyracial empire, and the students' unions were 
likewise variegated— some animated by a liberal outlook, 
others representing different shades of German chauvinism, 
and still others aggressively anti-Semitic. The majority of 



the Jewish students, eager to identify themselves with the 
dominant political parties, were to be found in almost all 
these student groups, but, after provocative speeches fol- 
lowed by rowdy scenes, they were gradually expelled from 
those that were not genuinely liberal. Herzl at first joined 
the Akademische Lesehalle (Academic Reading Room), 
which had about a thousand members, many of them fervid 
German nationalists, and took an active part in its life. He 
was an assiduous reader in the library, in order to satisfy his 
hunger for knowledge, and a frequent contributor to its 
Book of Suggestions, but he shone above all at the social 
evenings of the Lesehalle, at which he often presided. On 
these occasions, it was customary, as the members sat at long 
tables with their muffs of beer before them, for those with 
literary talent to recite original verse compositions, generally 
spiced with local allusions. Herzl became popular on account 
of his poetical fertility and gaiety of wit, and one evening 
recited a humorous ballad of twenty-five strophes describing 
the merry life of monks in medieval Sicily. But unfortu- 
nately, political speeches were also delivered froin time to 
time, and after an address by Georg von Schoenerer, a 
leading pan-German anti-Semitic member of the Reichstag, 
in March, 1881, there was such an uproar that the Akade- 
mische Lesehalle was closed by the authorities. 

Shortly afterward, Herzl joined the students' union called 
Albia. It consisted of two main sections, "progressives" and 
"conservatives," with a large element of German nationalists 
and Austrian imperialists. Herzl was said to have been at- 
tracted to the Albia partly by the glamorous hue of the col- 
ored caps and ribbons worn by the members at official 
functions, but he was probably drawn to it more by his 
friendship for several members, although there were only 
two other Jews in the fraternity besides himself. Owing to 


the constant wrangling about political questions, the stud- 
ents developed a high degree of sensitiveness and were 
quick to seize upon any remark in their hearing that they 
considered a reflection upon their honor. Such an affront 
could be avenged only by a duel, and duels were fought 
mostly with swords. Members of the Albia were therefore 
expected to devote a good part of their time to fencing, at 
least two periods of two hours each per day, besides having 
a special course under an instructor; and they all had to 
fight at least one duel to maintain their corporate honor. 
Herzl fought his duel on May 11, 1881, with a member of 
the students' union A llemania, and both retired with gashed 
cheeks, which a surgeon in readiness promptly stitched. 
After this "satisfaction of honor," Herzl was applauded at 
the "beer evening" for which the members of the Albia 
assembled later. 

Students of the German nationalist party gradually began 
to predominate in the Albia, with the inevitable result that 
there was an increasing discussion of the Jewish question. 
The effect of this was not only to arouse in Herzl a keener 
sense of his Jewish consciousness but also to provoke in him 
a feeling of resentment at the gibes and pinpricks that were 
all too manifest. The fact that his fellow students did not 
regard him as belonging to the same people as themselves 
was shown by the nickname which, in accordance with the 
society's customs, they chose for him. They called him 
"Tancred," after the knight who was the hero of the First 
Crusade that attempted the conquest of Jerusalem, as well 
as "Prince of Galilee" and "Duke of Antioch." Before long, 
he felt a growing coolness toward him on the part of both 
the Jews who coquetted with Germanism and of the German 
nationalists themselves, and it was in this frame of mind that 
he read two books that made a powerful impression upon 


him. One was a historical novel, The Jews of Cologne, by 
Wilhelm Jensen, who gave a depressing account of the con- 
ditions of the Jewish community in that city in the four- 
teenth century and of the burning of the Ghetto. 

The other was a book entitled The Jewish Question as 
a Racial, Moral, and Cultural Question, by Eugen Diihring, 
which appeared in 1881. Diihring, who had previously been 
a lecturer on economics and philosophy at Berlin University, 
quarreled so often with other members of the staff that he 
was compelled to resign, and he then became one of the 
founders of modern racial anti-Semitism. His book was a 
vitriolic diatribe against the Jewish people, full of malicious 
travesties and vile calumnies; it advocated that they should 
be deprived of all rights and relegated to the state of degrada- 
tion in which they had been kept in the Middle Ages. 

The reading of this work, in February, 1882, had such a 
provocative effect upon Herzl that he gave indignant and 
voluble expression to his views in his notebook.^ He felt all 
the more annoyed because it was so well written, as he ac- 
knowledged, that it was hard to believe it was the product of 
"the poisoned pen of personal vindictiveness." He discussed 
and refuted the various charges made against the Jews in 
the Middle Ages and rehashed by Diihring, pointing out 
that whatever faults or unlikable qualities they had devel- 
oped were the result of the prolonged persecution to which 
they had been subjected. "How could such a base, untalented 
race have been able to preserve itself so long through fifteen 
centuries of inhuman oppression," he asked, "if it did not 
possess anything good?" He accused Diihring of following 

1 Leon Kellner, Theodor Herzls Lehrjahre, pp. 127 seq. 


up every half-true statement with a tissue of mendacious 
allegations, and stigmatized his so-called solution of the 
Jewish question as simply "a reintroduction of the Ghetto." 
He concluded his denunciation by describing Diihring as 
"a hypocrite, an evil scoundrel," who demanded unrestricted 
freedom for all people but an "exceptional law" for the 
Jews. It was from the moment he read this work, as he after- 
ward wrote in his Diary thirteen years later, that he first be- 
gan to concern himself seriously with the Jewish question. ^ 
A year later he was compelled to pass from reflection to 
action. On March 5, 1883, a meeting^ was held under the 
auspices of a German fraternity, with the cooperation of the 
Albia, to pay tribute to the memory of Richard Wagner, ^vho 
had died a few weeks before. The principal speech was de- 
livered by a twenty-year-old student, Hermann Bahr, who 
later became famous as an author and playwright; but, in- 
stead of speaking on Wagner as a musician, he chose to 
expound and advocate his views as an anti-Semite, and he did 
so with so much vigor and amid such vociferous applause 
that the gathering turned into an anti-Jewish demonstration. 
The police had to intervene, the meeting was stopped, and 
Bahr was rebuked by the University Senate. Herzl was not 
present, but when he read a report of the meeting in the 
press and noted that no protest had been made by the re- 
sponsible leaders of Albia, he decided to send in his resig- 
nation. In his letter he wrote that he was apparently 
disqualified for continued membership as he was tainted 
with "Semitism," a word that, he observed, was unknown 
when he joined, and he therefore asked for his "honorable 
discharge." The reply that he received rebuked him for 
showing a lack of respect in his letter and informed him that 
his request for "honorable discharge" could not be granted, 

2 Tagebiicher, vol. I, p. 4. 


but that he had been expelled. A few days later, however, 
the committee had second thoughts and agreed to accept 
his resignation. Thereupon Herzl returned the colored 
gewgaws of membership and his drinking mug. He had had 
enough of the students' fraternities and joined no other. He 
had emerged from the Albia purged, with a more robust 
Jewish consciousness than he had on joining it, and also with 
greater ability to give cogent expression to his views. 

By a curious quirk of fate, the young student whose speech 
had been responsible for this development in Herzl's mind 
became his friend in later years, when his intelligence had 
matured sufficiently to slough his anti-Jewish prejudices. 
And twenty-five years after Herzl's death, Hermann Bahr 
contributed to an American Zionist publication ^ a laudatory 
tribute to the memory of the Zionist leader, in which he 

In those far-off days, when I entered the University of Vienna 
to take up the study of the classics, Theodor Herzl was already 
the pride and glory of the Burschenschaft (fraternity), of which 
I became an impertinent Fuchs (junior member). Even in those 
early days the charm and magic which in his maturity were to 
conquer thousands were already manifest; it was not only by his 
appearance that he dominated his fellow-students— his gallant 
nature, his ironic, superior spirit, his easy masterfulness were 

After Herzl's resignation, Albia decided not to admit any 
more Jews, although those who were already members were 
allowed to remain. This decision was made on the proposal 
of a prominent member, Paul von Portheim, who was of 
Jewish extraction himself; but the fear that he might even- 
tually also be compelled to leave preyed upon his mind to 
such a degree that he committed suicide in July, 1883. 

a Theodor Herzl: A Memorial, edited by M. W. Weisgal. 


The shock of his breach with Albia was felt by Herzl all 
the more painfully because of the futile efforts he had been 
making to secure recognition as a writer and the repeated 
disappointments he had to bear. Despite his legal studies, 
he began in 1880 to write feuilletons— sketches in a light and 
whimsical vein— which formed a regular feature of all the 
leading papers in Central Europe, but only to have them 
rejected time after time. In February, 1882, he entered a 
competition for a prize offered by the Wiener Allgemeine 
Zeitungj but without success; and in the following September 
he competed for a prize offered by this paper for the best 
story, with a similar barren result. On his twenty-second 
birthday, he wrote in his Diary that he had not even the 
smallest success to show; but a couple of days later he at last 
had a contribution published in the Wiener Allgemeine 
Zeitung. He also tried his hand at writing plays, in which 
he had dabbled while still at school. In December, 1882, he 
offered a short one-act comedy, entitled Die Causa Hirsch- 
korn ("The Hirschkorn Case"), to Ernst Hartmann, a lead- 
ing actor at the Burg Theatre, the principal playhouse in 
Vienna; but Hartmann merely responded with a letter, 
which, though written in friendly terms, did not even hold 
out the prospect that the play would be read. Then followed 
the rejection of one manuscript after another by the Wiener 
Allgemeine and the Pester Lloyd almost throughout 1883, 
plunging Herzl into a state of depression from which an 
amateur production of his comedy afforded little relief. 
He had an intimate friend at the time, a fellow-student 
named Heinrich Kana, the son of poor Jewish parents from 
Rumania, who was fired by similar literary ambitions but 
also suffered from similar disappointments. They confided 


in one another all their strivings, hopes, and failures, and 
encouraged one another to persist. But Kana did not possess 
Herzl's doggedness and determination to win through, nor 
his talents, and he broke down in the struggle. 

In July, 1883, Herzl passed the final law examination, not 
with distinction— as his doting parents had expected— but by 
a vote of the majority of the examiners. Kana had circulated 
the story that Herzl had received the unanimous approbation 
of the examiners, only to bring upon himself a withering 
rebuke from Herzl, who would not tolerate any form of 
deception. Herzl's father, however, was delighted at the re- 
sult of the examination and gave him money for a holiday 
abroad, so that he might recover from the strain of his 
studies. Theodor went to Lucerne, from where, after a fort- 
night, he wrote to Kana that his money had shrunk to two 
and a half francs; but a couple of days later he sent his 
fiiend a note saying that he had received a further remittance 
from "a charming old man." 

After his return home in September, 1883, Herzl again 
entered a competition of the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung for 
the best feuilleton, but with no better result than in previous 
contests. He did not receive even an honorable mention. He 
therefore began to think of abandoning the plan of pursuing 
a literary career, with all its uncertainties and disappoint- 
ments, and of reconciling himself to a more reliable, though 
more humdrum, form of livelihood. In May, 1884, he was 
awarded the degree of Doctor juris (Doctor of Law), and his 
parents evinced their pleasure by giving him money again 
to travel abroad. This time he went to Paris, where he saw 
Sarah Bernhardt in a gala performance, and Coquelin, too; 
heard Renan lecture on the Psalms to a class of ten students; 
and witnessed some trials in the law courts as well as debates 
in the Chamber of Deputies. He described his impressions 


and experiences in letters to his parents, which were marked 
by refreshing candor and pungent humor. 

Two months later, he was admitted to the bar in the Lan- 
desgericht (Supreme Court) in Vienna, where he practiced in 
penal cases until the end of the year. He next practiced in 
the Commercial Court until April, 1885, and then, for a few 
months, in civil cases in the Landesgericht. At the end of 
this period, he received a testimonial from the President of 
the latter court, praising his abilities and his impeccable 
demeanor. In the spring of 1885, Jacob Herzl was afflicted 
with an ear complaint and went to Hall, in Upper Austria, 
in search of a cure. Theodor therefore transferred the scene 
of his professional activity to Salzburg, obtained accommoda- 
tion for his parents in the vicinity, and visited them as often 
as possible. He practiced at Salzburg for seven weeks in all, 
with distinguished success, and in later years often recalled 
the time that he had spent in that chamiing city as one of 
the happiest periods of his life. Yet it was during that period 
that he gave evidence of an irritable and querulous mood, 
as though spoiling for a fight. He issued a challenge to a 
duel on two occasions— first to a fellow lawyer and then to 
the secretary of the Vienna Stock Exchange— for some pre- 
sumed affront; but, happily, both challenges were rejected. 

After practicing at the bar for about a year, Herzl decided 
to abandon it. The vocation was too dull and disciplined to 
satisfy one with such a restless and creative mind; and, be- 
sides, he felt sure that, owing to the prevailing anti-Semitism, 
he stood no chance of ever being promoted to a judicial 
position. He therefore resolved to try his fortune again with 
his pen. 


journalist and Playwright 


finer effort than any before, Herzl again entered for a prize 
offered by the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung for the best 
feuilleton. This time he achieved the coveted result. He re- 
garded it as his first notable success and as a turning point 
in his literary career. He was now full of hope and was even 
seized with the ambition to collaborate on a play with Paul 
Lindau, a popular dramatist and one of the most brilliant 
journalists of his day; but, although his proposal was de- 
clined, Herzl was by no means discouraged. He went to 
Heidelberg for a holiday, and then to Belgium and Holland, 
to study the works of the Flemish and Dutch painters, re- 
turning home in September, 1885, in a buoyant mood. 

In the following November, he went to Berlin to seek his 
fortune as a dramatist. He had a letter from Professor Adam 
Politzer, the famous ear specialist, to Siegwart Friedmann, a 
leading actor, as well as an introduction from his father, 
which brought him into contact with literary and dramatic 
circles. He took three plays with him but was unable to get any 
of them accepted. The disappointment caused by this failure, 
however, was dispelled by the striking success obtained by 
one of these plays in New York. It was entitled Tabarin, 
dealing with a well-known jester who lived in the days of 
Cardinal Richelieu and whose tragic fate provided the plot 
of Leoncavallo's Bajazzo. The glowing cablegrams about its 
production in America made an impression upon editors in 


Germany and Austria, who now became eager to receive 
Herzl's contributions. He therefore wrote frequently from 
Berlin for the Vienna humorous weekly, Der Floh, the 
Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung, and the Presse. The editor of 
the Wiener Tagblatt, Moritz Szeps, wanted him to become 
a regular outside contributor to his paper, but Herzl de- 
clined the invitation as he wished to be appointed on the 
staff. Heinrich Friedjung, the famous editor of the Deutsche 
Zeitung, was also eager to publish his feuilletons, but, out 
of regard for the anti-Semitic financiers of his journal, sug- 
gested that Herzl should adopt a non-Jewish pseudonym. 
Herzl indignantly rejected the proposal, whereupon Fried- 
jung agreed to print an article of his under his real name. 
At the end of June, 1886, Herzl again went to Paris, and, 
after visiting various cities in Normandy, spent some time 
in Trouville, which he called "the most delightful place 
imaginable," and from where he sent several articles to the 
Presse. He appears to have been thoroughly satisfied with 
the experiences that he had on this journey, as he wrote that 
he had seen "a great bit of the world and a bit of the great 
world." In October, he was back again in Berlin for a 
fortnight, and tried to place another play, Seine Hoheit 
("His Highness"), a satirical comedy about the power of 
money, but without success. On the other hand, he received 
much encouragement from Dr. Arthur Levysohn, the editor 
of the Berliner Tageblatt, who invited him to write from 
Vienna a weekly survey of events, leaving him free to comment 
on happenings in any part of the world; and, at the same 
time, he did very well as a contributor to the Hamburg 
humorous weekly, Lustige Blatter. He was nevertheless not 
content with his progress. He had already given evidence of 
an individual style, of a creative imagination, and of a 


sensitive responsiveness to the moods of nature and the 
beauties of landscape, but his achievements lagged behind 
his ambition. He was always thinking out characters and 
devising plots, a habit that continued long after he found 
himself in the hurly-burly of Zionist politics. Even on the 
eve of the Third Zionist Congress (in August, 1899), he 
wrote in his Diary: 

All these days I am occupied by the plot of my new play The 
Sinful Mother, which fascinates me, even more than by my 
still unfinished Congress speech and the Congress and the 
Princes and my slave-holders of the Neue Freie Presse. 

In the last week of January, 1887, Herzl wrote Der 
Fliichtling ("The Fugitive"), a one-act play, which he sent 
(as he had done with an earlier play in 1882) to Ernst Hart- 
mann, of the Burg Theatre, the principal playhouse in 
Vienna. The latter criticized it on the ground that the 
characters in it were "caricatures." In his letter to Herzl he 
wrote: "Study more from life itself than in the world pic- 
tured by your imagination. Apparently you doubtless have 
talent, inventiveness, everything one needs, but you must 
treat humanity somewhat more respectfully and seriously, 
and look at it more closely if you want to create something 
real." Herzl was deeply hurt by this letter, which he con- 
sidered unjust, and gave vent to his resentment against 
theatre managers in a sequence of forty "aphorisms" in- 
cluded in his Buck der Narrheit ("Book of Folly"), of which 
the following are examples: 

If a theatre manager promises something and afterward still 
keeps it, then one should sink on one's knee before him and 
kiss the hem of his garment with grateful fervor. 

The public will let itself be bored only by celebrated people. 

The actor despises the dramatist, the dramatist despises the 


spectator, the spectator despises the actor. Thus each one gets 
his deserts. 

Herzl's mother, noting his mood of depression, suggested 
that he should take a holiday in Italy, where so many writers 
and artists had found their first inspiration. His father de- 
murred for a moment, as it meant advancing the expense, 
but soon acquiesced with the remark: "You will easily more 
than recoup the few hundred gulden later." Theodor em- 
braced his mother, kissed his father, and (in the words of his 
mother) romped about in the room like a schoolboy. For- 
tunately, Jacob Herzl was a man of means. Although he had 
lost his entire fortune in a depression, when Theodor was 
only thirteen, within a few years he had made another. 

Herzl spent six weeks in Italy, from the middle of Febru- 
ary, and wrote to his parents briefly every day, in accordance 
with the practice that he adopted from his first journey to 
a foreign country. On that occasion his mother said to him: 
"Write us every day just a few lines, to let us know how you 
are; but whatever experience you may have worth describing 
belongs to the world." This maternal injunction was faith- 
fully observed until the end. He first went to Venice, next 
to Pisa and Leghorn, and then to Rome, where he stayed 
a week and wrote several travel sketches. From there he 
journeyed south to Naples and Capri, about which he wrote 
in the most glowing language, and then passed on to Amalfi, 
where he lazed on the sands. After ascending Mount Vesu- 
vius, he traveled back to Rome, stayed four days in Florence 
and a few more in Bologna and Padua, and then returned 
to Vienna. This Italian tour gave a new stimulus to Herzl's 
literary activity and was regarded by some of his contempo- 
raries as forming 4ts real beginning. His feuilleton "Em- 
melfey" (a supposed tourist's pronunciation of Amalfi), in 
the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung; created quite a sensation 


among both writers and readers in Vienna and was recalled 
years later with a lingering savor. The owner of the Zeitung, 
Baron Kolisch, was so enthusiastic about it that he appointed 
Herzl as his literary editor, but their association, begun so 
happily, ended after about ten weeks with Herzl's dismissal. 

The disappointment caused by this sudden change of 
fortune made Herzl inclined to abandon the feuilleton al- 
together as a literary form that was evanescent and unre- 
warding, a view that was shared by Hermann Sudermann, 
whom he met at Capri. He thought of devoting himself 
entirely to the writing of novels and plays, a plan to which 
his parents would have had no objection, although it might 
have made him dependent upon them for a time; but it was 
this latter consideration that caused him to dismiss the idea. 
There were various prospects that seemed to offer themselves, 
such as the position of editor of a new weekly in Berlin, 
Die BiXhnenwelt, and of dramatic critic of the Berliner 
Tageblatt, but neither of them materialized. The post of 
Paris correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung then became 
vacant, and Herzl was so optimistic about securing it that he 
tried to console his parents over their sadness at the pos- 
sibility of his leaving home by stressing the importance of 
the position. He recalled that Heine had once been a 
correspondent in Paris and that de Blowitz, of The Times, 
had almost enjoyed the status of an ambassador. But this 
hope, too, turned to naught; whereupon, in October, 1887, 
Herzl offered his services to Eduard Bacher, editor and part 
proprietor of the Neue Freie Presse, then the most influential 
and widely read paper in Central Europe, only to receive 
a reply that there was no vacancy. 


In the following years, however, fortune favored Herzl as 
a playwright. His comedy, Seine Hoheit, which he had been 
unable to place in Berlin, was accepted by the German 
Theatre in Prague and achieved a success beyond his expec- 
tations. He went tp Prague for the production and found an 
influential friend in Heinrich Teweles (1856-1927), a popu- 
lar writer and dramatic critic, who wrote such laudatory 
notices of the play for the Berlin press that it was at last 
produced in the German capital at the Wallner Theatre. 
This one dramatic triumph did more for Herzl than all 
the witty and brilliant causeries that he had written during 
the preceding seven or eight years, and he received more 
requests from editors for contributions than he was able to 
satisfy. His collected volume of causeries, however, Neues 
von der Venus ("News from Venus"), made no particular 
impression, apart from gaining more publicity for the writer, 
nor did another collection. Das Buck der Narrheit, achieve 
any other purpose. Some of the pieces were reflections on 
his personal experiences in matters of love and on the im- 
agined emotions of others, while many of them mirrored the 
characteristics of the social life of the Austrian capital, made 
familiar in the novels and plays of Arthur Schnitzler. But 
Herzl, looking upon them as minor efforts, wanted to col- 
laborate with Oscar Blumenthal on a drama that would be 
suitable for the Lessing Theatre in Berlin, which presented 
only plays of the highest quality. Blumenthal, however, de- 
clined. Thereupon, in May, 1888, Herzl became a member 
of the Vienna journalists' and authors' society, "Concordia," 
and when a feuilleton that he sent to the Neue Freie Presse 
was rejected by Bacher he resolved that he would yet one 
day be appointed on its staff. 

Eager to widen his knowledge of foreign lands, he went 
to England for a month, after staying in Brussels for a week. 


He arrived in London early in July, was deeply impressed 
by its vastness and the hustle and bustle everywhere, and, 
after a fortnis^ht, visited Bris^hton, Eastbourne, Hastins^s, and 
Worthing. From there he crossed over to the Isle of Wight, 
found the charms of Ventnor almost equal to those of Amalfi, 
and witnessed the exciting spectacle of the Cowes Regatta. 
He described his impressions and experiences in a succession 
of travel sketches, which he continued after he left England 
for Trouville and Ostend. On his return journey, he passed 
through Munich, where he had a meeting with Franz Wall- 
ner, the theatre manager, and when he reached Vienna he 
felt thoroughly satisfied with his holiday, as in the course 
of it he had written a dozen feuilletons, which were pub- 
lished in the Neue Freie Presse} Those were not the only 
things, however, that he wrote on this tour, for he also ex- 
changed letters with his future wife, Julie Naschauer, whom 
he referred to as "die kleine." 

In October, Herzl proposed to Hugo Wittmann, a popular 
playwright and feuilletonist, that they should collaborate on 
a comedy. Wittmann had already had so many collaborators 
that he agreed only on condition that their authorship re- 
mained anonymous. The outcome of a combination of their 
ideas was a comedy. Die Wilddiebe ("The Poachers"), which 
was produced at the Burg Theatre on March 19, 1889. It 
was a light-hearted comedy of errors, which met with great 
success, enhanced by the curiosity due to the anonymity. 
It was afterward performed at all the leading theatres in 
Austria and Germany, yielding a very handsome reward 
to the authors, whose identity was not disclosed until April, 
1890. After this, Der Fliichtling, which had been previously 

1 Herzl's first article on social life in England appeared in the Neue Freie 
Presse of July 27, 1888. Four articles written on later visits to England, be- 
tween 1895 and 1903, are included in Volume 1 of his Feuilletons. 


offered to many theatres in vain, was at last accepted by the 
Burg Theatre, where it was produced in May with success. 
Thereupon followed Herzl's appointment as feuilleton edi- 
tor of the Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung and critic at the Burg 
Theatre, but he did not retain the position long, apparently 
owinof to differences with his colleagues. 

Despite this minor setback, Herzl had now established a 
sufficiently recognized position in the literary and dramatic 
world to justify his desire to get married. While still a 
student, he had been a frequent visitor at the house of 
Jacob Naschauer, a wealthy businessman in Vienna, whose 
wife, Jenny Kolinsky, had been known for her beauty. The 
Naschauers had five children, of whom the fourth, a daugh- 
ter, Julie, was born on February 1, 1869. She was described 
by her contemporaries as a golden-haired, blue-eyed girl, 
and she had a strong attraction for Herzl which proved 
mutual. She occupied his thoughts increasingly from 1886, 
and there are numerous references in his travel diaries dur- 
ing the next couple of years to letters that he received from 
her. They were married on July 25, 1889, at Reichenau, a 
fashionable health resort, and spent their honeymoon in 
France, visiting most of the places where Herzl had been 
before in quest of intellectual adventure and inspiration. 

Unfortunately, the first plays that Herzl wrote after his 
marriage met with scant success, A comedy, Der Bernhard- 
iner (the title of which was afterward changed to "What Will 
One Say?"), was refused by the Burg Theatre in October, 
1889; and when it was produced in Prague in March, 1890, 
and later in Berlin, in the following October, it was re- 
ceived by the audience with tepid applause and was slated 


by the critics. There was compensating happiness, however, 
in the birth of his first child, Pauline, which occurred on 
March 29, 1890, and which aroused in him emotions and 
reflections to which he gave moving expression in a feuil- 
leton. This added responsibility spurred him on to a further 
effort. In collaboration again with Wittmann, he wrote Die 
Dame in Schwarz ("The Lady in Black"), which was per- 
formed at the Burg Theatre by its most distinguished cast, 
including the famous Adolf Sonnenthal, but the applause 
was mingled with unmistakable marks of disapproval and 
the play was handled severely by the critics. Herzl's next 
piece of work, to which he devoted himself in the summer of 
1890 at Reichenau, proved more successful. It was a libretto 
for an opera entitled Des Teufels Weib ("The Devil's 
Wife"), for which he was given a commission. It was freely 
based on a French piece (Madame le Diable), the music was 
composed by Adolf Miiller, and it had a run of sixty per- 
formances. Other plays of Herzl that were produced at the 
Burg Theatre, as well as in Berlin and other cities, were 
Solon in Lydia and Gretel, and the comedies / Love You 
and Kdtchen. 

The worries to which he was subjected by his ceaseless 
wrangles with theatre managers, actors, and critics, as well as 
by the caprices of the playgoers, began to tell upon his 
nerves, and early in 1891 these professional annoyances were 
aggravated by the sudden and violent death of his most 
intimate friend, Heinrich Kana. They had embarked upon a 
literary career at the same time, criticized one another's 
manuscripts with unrestrained candor, and shared all their 
hopes and disappointments. Even after Herzl had reason to 
give up his faith in Kana's critical infallibility, he remained 
attached to him by a bond of the warmest friendship, and 
when Kana went to Berlin in search of literary fame they 


carried on a regular correspondence. But Kana's talents were 
unequal to the high standard set by his competitors; he 
would dally over writing a commissioned article for lack 
of ideas; and he was without the friends whose support or 
influence might have compensated for his technical short- 
comings. The result was that he had a desperate struggle to 
earn even enough to keep himself on the most modest scale; 
and, after several years of a wretched existence and increas- 
ing mental depression, he decided to end his life, which he 
did, on February 6, 1891, with a revolver. His last message 
to Herzl, written on that day, was: 

My good, dear Theodor, your old friend says farewell to you 
before he dies. I thank you for all your friendship and kindness. 
I wish you and your dear ones all happiness on earth. I kiss you. 

Your Heinrich. 

Herzl was profoundly shocked by this tragic loss and 
brooded over it for years. Indeed, the spirit of his friend still 
haunted him when he was thinking out the plot for a Jewish 
novel in 1895, nor was it exorcised until Kana found a sort 
of transfiguration in Herzl's Zionist romance, Altneuland 
("Old-new-land"), which he published in 1902. The im- 
mediate effect of his friend's death upon Herzl's mind was 
so unnerving that he felt the need of a journey abroad to 
seek recuperation. Another and more serious factor that 
impelled him to go abroad again for some weeks was that 
he had not found in his marriage the happiness that he had 
expected. His wife had been accustomed in her parents' 
home to luxuries that he was unable to provide with his 
fluctuating earnings, and unfortunately his mother con- 


tinned to manifest a possessive nature that undermined the 
foundations of marital happiness. He therefore went off 
again to Italy for peace and distraction, without any thought 
of exploiting the journey for literary purposes. He found 
Venice so cold that he hastened to Milan, where he saw the 
great Duse in a play at a leading theatre, and then traveled 
on to Nice and Monte Carlo, where he felt revived by the 
warm sun of early spring. By the end of February he was 
back again at home. 

But, as the months went by, the domestic atmosphere did 
not improve. Herzl did his best to act as conciliator between 
his wife and his mother, both of whom he loved deeply, but 
the women were apparently unable to share with one an- 
other the love they both had for him. In June, 1891, a second 
child, Hans, was born, but at the beginning of August Herzl 
was again journeying through foreign lands, noting every- 
where the peculiar features of the places through which he 
passed and the distinctive characteristics of the people that he 
met, but this time embodying his experiences and impres- 
sions in feuilletons that he sent to Vienna. He was in Paris 
once more for a few days, went south to Bordeaux, and then 
stayed for some weeks in the charming little town of Luz, 
within the shadow of the Pyrenees. There, in the glorious 
mountainous landscape, he worked on a play, took long 
walks of nearly two hours daily to ponder over his characters 
and think out situations, studied a little Spanish, and went 
to bed early every night. He also wrote several feuilletons, 
one of which, depicting the monotony of life in Luz and 
the foibles of its leading personalities— the blacksmith, the 
cobbler, and the barber— and written in a delightful vein 
of humor and irony, evoked the particular admiration of 
the editors of the Neue Freie Presse and of its readers. A 
month later he began to travel homeward, and stayed at 


Biarritz and San Sebastian on the way. In Biarritz he had 
the agreeable experience of being introduced to the Russian 
Ambassador at the Spanish Court, Prince Gortschakoff, at 
the latter's request, by the correspondent of the London 
Times in Madrid. 

At the beginning of October, he was on the point of 
leaving San Sebastian for the Spanish capital when he re- 
ceived a telegram from Dr. Bacher, offering him the position 
of Paris correspondent of the Neue Freie Presse. He would 
receive one thousand francs - a month and eighty francs for 
each feuilleton, besides the reimbursement of all expenses, 
for a trial period of four months. The offer was made after 
Bacher had consulted Wittmann, who warmly recommended 
it. Herzl felt elated and promptly accepted. "The Paris 
correspondent," he wrote to his parents, "is the springboard 
from which I shall leap high, to your joy, my dear beloved 

He went straight to Paris without first returning: home, 
and entered upon his duties at the end of the month. He 
took up residence at the Hotel Radstatt, in the Rue Dunon, 
and was joined by his wife a month later. A new chapter 
had opened in his life, a chapter that was the prelude to a 
new epoch in Jewish history. 

2 The franc was at that time worth about twenty cents. 


CoTrespondent in Paris 


instructions were to write about everything of interest that 
happened in France, and he therefore did not confine him- 
self to political affairs but also covered all other main aspects 
of French life— social and economic questions, music and 
drama, literature and art, even crime and court cases. As a 
dramatist who had already written seventeen plays, he 
usually attended the first performance of every new play 
in Paris and his views were eagerly sought both by critics and 
others, especially when they found that he expressed them 
with wit and perspicacity. On one occasion, he met the 
Norwegian playwright Bjornson, who had come to witness 
the presentation of one of his pieces at the Comedie Fran- 
^aise; on another he carried on such a long discussion in 
the foyer with the sculptor, Auguste Rodin, after the per- 
formance was over, that an attendant had to tell them that 
he wished to close the theatre. 

As an author he was welcomed in literary salons and was 
a frequent visitor at the house of Alphonse Daudet (one of 
whose plays he translated into German), where he met Marcel 
Proust and other writers. He came into contact with both 
Anatole France and Emile Zola, about whose personalities 
and works he wrote in a spirited and entertaining style. He 
had long given proof of being a keen and vigilant observer: 
now he also became an attentive listener and developed the 
faculty of following a heated debate in the Chamber of 


Deputies and immediately penning a concise and fluent 
summary. For it was an important part of his duties to 
watch the evolving scene in the Palais Bourbon, and he took 
pains to ensure that his reports were accurate as well as 

He was helped in the drafting of his telegrams to the 
Neue Freie Presse by a relative and fellow writer, Joseph 
Siklosy, who acted as his secretary and came to him punctu- 
ally at half-past seven in the morning and five in the after- 
noon, working with him until all the dispatches had gone 
off. Besides reporting on the events of the day, he found time 
to write feuilletons on a variety of topics— on the prepara- 
tions of the engineer, Gustave Eiffel, to construct his colos- 
sal tower or a meeting of the French Academy, on the 
anarchist Ravachol or the taverns in the Latin Quarter- 
all composed in the polished manner for which he had 
acquired a reputation. 

Herzl's work gave his editor such satisfaction that at the 
end of the four-month probationary period his engagement 
was made definite with an increased remuneration. From 
March, 1892, he received, besides his expenses, a monthly 
salary of twelve hundred francs, as well as one hundred 
francs for each feuilleton, which formed quite a good income 
for a journalist of thirty-two. His wife had joined him in 
November, 1891, and there was some sort of reconciliation; 
but this was far from complete, for not only did the lack 
of harmony between her and his mother continue but she 
failed to share his interests and to keep pace with his in- 
tellectual growth. Although born in a great city, Julie Herzi 
was unfortunately handicapped by a narrow provincialism, 
and it was in no small measure due to the gulf between her 
and her husband that he concentrated with increased zeal 
first upon his professional duties and later upon his political 


mission. The main bond between them was their common 
love for their children. In addition to the boy and girl born 
in Vienna, they had another daughter, Margarete, com- 
monly called Trude, who was born in Paris on May 20, 
1893. For two and a half years the family lived at 8 Rue de 
Monceau, and Herzl, on his free mornings, would sometimes 
take the older children to the neighboring Pare Monceau. 
His parents, moved by strong affection, also went to live in 
Paris, but as they were unable to adjust themselves to the 
new environment they returned after a while to Vienna. 
Herzl spent much of his time in the Chamber of Deputies, 
and the fruits of his work there consisted of a collection of 
feuilletons, published under the title of Das Palais Bourbon, 
which he regarded as his best book. It contains brilliant 
sketches of the political life in France, pen portraits of 
prominent personalities, descriptions of parliamentary pro- 
ceedings, and psychological studies of the electoral public, 
which can be read with profit even now for an understand- 
ing of the conditions in the Third French Republic. He 
came to have a rather poor opinion of the ethical standards 
prevailing in the French political world of his day, in which 
he found much corruption, cynicism, and tuft-hunting (apart 
from the lingering echo of the Panama scandal). He wrote: 

Whoever studies the public morals of this country discovers 
that every four years, at the time of the parliamentary elections, 
about fifteen hundred men, who seek the confidence of their 
fellow citizens, suffer an injury to their reputation. ... As at 
the change of a government it is not a question of principles 
but of persons, all arts arc admissible. . . . When I hear M. 
Goblet speak I often think: "What a pity that he can't im- 
mediately contradict himself." ^ 

1 Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, p. 16. 


When he first informed his parents of his appointment 
as the Paris correspondent of the leading Austrian paper, he 
wrote that it would be a springboard from which he would 
leap to higher things. Both they, as well as his friends in 
general, expected that after he had settled down to his new 
task he would produce another play, and one superior to 
any that he had written before. But a couple of years elapsed 
without his evincing the least intention of fulfilling such an 
expectation. On the contrary, he had turned his back on 
playwriting, and the reason was given clearly enough in 
some letters that he exchanged with Arthur Schnitzler be- 
tween July, 1892, and June, 1893. This correspondence was 
prompted by a fellow writer, Paul Goldmann, who, while 
sitting in the press gallery of the Palais Bourbon and chat- 
ting with Herzl about the numerous friends he had made 
as editor of the literary journal. Die Blaiie Donau, spoke in 
laudatory terms about Schnitzler. Herzl was surprised, as 
he had hitherto not thought highly of Schnitzler's literary 
abilities, but he now read his Mdrchen and at once wrote 
him a frankly enthusiastic letter (on July 29, 1892) contain- 
ing the following flattering passage: 

When I see a talent like yours blossoming forth, I rejoice as 
though I had never been a literary man, that is, a narrow- 
minded, intolerant, envious, malicious clod: I rejoice as I do 
over the carnations in the garden below when they come to life. 

This was the beginning of a friendly correspondence that 
continued until Herzl settled in Vienna again in the autumn 
of 1895. Schnitzler replied in a long letter (dated August 5, 
1892), in which he recalled the first and other occasions 
when he saw Herzl in their student days and felt very con- 


scious of his inferiority. He had first seen him delivering a 
speech in the Akademische Lesehalle, when Herzl regarded 
him with an ironic smile that made him envious. He then 
heard, in the cafe that he often frequented, about Herzl's 
skill as a domino player and his importance as the writer 
of three-act plays. Soon after that he made Herzl's personal 
acquaintance and read some of his plays; but, he continued: 

The whole of our student period passed without our being 
able to develop a close relationship— apparently because I was 
too arrogant for you!— I spoke to you then in the Chamber when 
we were already both Doctors. You were surrounded by a group 
of pretty young women, and again— I hope not altogther without 
reason— I envied you. And then also you smiled ironically. And 
again I left you in that depressed mood that one feels toward 
people who walk in front of one in the same street twenty paces 
ahead. This recollection is linked with another that deserves a 
sure place in the history of modern literature as a note in small 
print. The new Burg Theatre was still being built, and we were 
strolling up and down in front of the hoarding one late autumn 
evening. We naturally met by chance, as until this moment I 
have never been favored to meet you by arrangement. Then, 
with a modest but conquering look that rested on the towering 
walls, you said: "Some day I shall get inside there! . . ." 

I still remember a first meeting with you at some ball or other 
one night, when you had long, very long, been a famous man, 
while I, despairing both of myself and my profession, and taken 
seriously by nobody, tried to satisfy my ambition as a good 
companion and man of the world. I was in a particularly happy 
mood that evening and, as I thought, inexpressibly elegant. 
Then you appeared. With a steady haughty glance you examined 
my tie and crushed me. Do you know what you said? "And I 
I took you to be a— Brummel!" I had the distinct feeling of 
having fallen into disfavor. It was clear that I must learn how 
to make up my ties better, or at least to do something dis- 
tinguished in some other field. . . . 


I, who borrowed The Hirschkorn Case from the lending 
library and the News from Venus from a good acquaintance, 
and who even bought The Book of Folly when I saw it offered 
cheap— I who maintained that The Fugitive could be performed 
only by the cast of the Burg Theatre— I don't know whether, 
after this, I have succeeded in saying what I wish to say to you 
—that there are truly not many people in the world to whose 
judgment I attach the same value as to yours. 

This letter was followed by others, in which Schnitzler 
bluntly asked Herzl what manuscripts for the theatre he still 
had in his desk. The replies that he received were evasive 
and each in a tone more resisrned than the other. In a letter 
of November 16, 1892, Herzl wrote: "If you, as you wrote 
last summer, always see me a little in front of you, the lead 
has been paid for with weariness, and today I am already 
sitting on a stone on the highway and allow the others to 
pass me by." A few weeks later (on January 2, 1893) he 
wrote: "My manuscripts! I have forgotten them. Of the 
practice of art all that I have left is some love for art, and on 
many days and in stray moments only a longing for creative 
work. Not without a penalty is one a journalist. I try to 
follow this craft as honorably as possible and look on at the 
political world. Sometimes I seem to be like David Copper- 
field the stenographer, and sometimes I consider myself a 
constitutional lawyer." 

Four months later Herzl wrote: "How serious I must be 
in my decision to leave my plays buried if I don't bring 
them out at your dear and repeated request. Forgive me, but 
I don't want to know anything more of myself: I am now 
only a journalist. . . . Even if I were free, as hopeftil as in my 
youth, and were I able to roam about poetizing in some de- 
lightful pleasaunce, I believe I would still not write any 
more for the theatre. I believe I would indulge in silent 


reflection and smile, and would not feel the need of evoking 
the applause of the first-night public of Vienna or Berlin or 
any other city. I believe this on May 13, 1893, as I have for 
the past two years almost without interruption. This mood is 
so constant that it may now be taken as definite." 

His bitterness was not appeased even by the production 
in the following month at the Berlin Theatre of Der Flilcht- 
ling (The Fugitive), a slight one-act play, which he had 
written in a few days (from January 25 to February 1, 1887). 
In a further letter (June 15) to Schnitzler, he explained 
that this piece had been written because he wanted to under- 
take a journey to Italy and had "cursed little money." It was 
the result of a sus^Qrestion from the editor of the Vienna 
Illustrierte Zeitung, who printed it. It was then accepted 
by the Burg Theatre, which kept it for two years before 
producing it, while in Berlin its presentation was due to the 
decision of the great actor, Ludwig Barnay, who wished to 
mollify Herzl for having produced another play of his some 
years earlier in a spirit contrary to his intentions. Herzl 
concluded his explanation by saying: "It took a long time 
until the wretches of the theatre broke me. They would 
never have done it if I had not concerned myself about them 
but written as I wished, in accordance with my own feelings 
and my own mind. And I tell you this so that you may learn 
from my own case. Don't care a hang about the rabble. 
Write only as you please." 

These letters clearly show that he had abandoned all 
thought of writing any more for the theatre. His work as 
a foreign correspondent had made him occupy himself to a 
gradually increasing degree with political and economic 
questions, and the desire for literary creation came to be 
displaced imperceptibly by a concern for solving problems 
of society. He was particularly attracted by the method 


adopted in France of relieving poverty and unemployment 
by providing work (assistance par le travail), which he re- 
garded as an excellent means of reducing the pest of public 
beggars. After studying this method as practiced in one of 
the suburbs of Paris, he wrote a long letter on it, amounting 
almost to a memorandum, which he addressed to the leader 
of the German Liberals in Austria, Baron Chlumezky. He 
stated that the idea had already been tried in Holland, 
Belgium, and England, that he proposed to make a further 
examination of the system as conducted in other parts of 
Paris and to write on the subject in his paper, and that he 
commended this form of practical philanthropy as worthy 
of imitation in Austria if it had not already been introduced 

Herzl's interest in social problems in general was soon 
succeeded by a preoccupation with the Jewish question in 
particular, to which he gave serious thought. In the summer 
of 1894, he went to Vienna for a short time, and in the 
neighboring town of Baden looked up his old friend and 
fellow journalist, Ludwig Speidel, with whom he had a 
long talk, which he afterward recorded in his remarkable 

We strolled over green meadows, philosophizing, and came to 
the Jewish question. I said: "I understand anti-Semitism. We 
Jews have preserved ourselves, although not through our own 
fault, as alien bodies in the midst of various nations. We have 
acquired in the Ghetto a number of anti-social qualities. Our 
character has been spoiled through pressure and it must be 
restored through a different pressure. In fact, anti-Semitism is 
a consequence of Jewish emancipation. But nations lacking in 
historic understanding— that is, all of them— do not look upon 


US as a historic product, as the victims of former, more cruel, 
and more intolerant times. They do not know that we are as 
we are because we have been made so under torture, because 
the Church made usury dishonorable for Christians and we were 
forced by the rulers into the money business. We cling to money 
because we have been thrown upon money. At the same time 
we had always to be ready to flee or to hide our property from 
being plundered. That is how our relation to money arose. We 
vassals of the Kaiser also served as an indirect source of tax. We 
collected from the people the money that was afterward robbed 
or confiscated from us. In all these sufferings we became ugly, 
and our character, which in former times had been proud and 
splendid, underwent a change. We were indeed men who knew 
how to defend the state in war and must have been a highly 
gifted people if we were beaten for two thousand years and 
could not be destroyed. 

"Now it was a mistake of the doctrinaire Liberals to believe 
that men are made equal by a decree in a Government law 
gazette. When we came out of the Ghetto we were and still 
remained Ghetto Jews. We had to be given time to accustom 
ourselves to freedom. But this magnanimity or patience is un- 
known to the population surrounding us. They only see the 
evil and conspicuous qualities of those liberated and don't 
suspect that those liberated were punished innocently. In ad- 
dition there are the current Socialist ideas against mobile capital, 
to which the Jews were compelled for centuries to devote them- 
selves exclusively. But if the Jews turn away from money to 
professions from which they were previously excluded, then they 
cause a terrible pressure in the conditions of livelihood of the 
middle classes— a pressure under which they suffer above all 

Herzl concluded his argument by saying that the Jews 
would eventually adapt themselves to the new conditions 
and repeated his idea that "the traces of one pressure could 
be effaced only by another pressure." Whereupon Speidel 


commented: "This is a world-historic conception." Herzl 
then drove away in a droshky in the gathering night, sitting 
slumped and buried in thought, when two young people, 
one of them in the uniform of a cadet, passed by, and he 
clearly heard a shout: "Saujud (Dirty Jew)!" He was stung 
with rage and turned round to look at the louts, but the 
rapidly driven carriage left them far behind. He reflected that 
the insult was not aimed at him personally, but at his Jewish 
nose and his Jewish beard, and he remarked: "What a 
curious echo to my world-historic conception." 

A few months later, in Paris, he was sitting in the studio 
of the sculptor, Friedrich Beer, who was modeling his bust. 
Their conversation led to the Jewish question in Austria 
and they agreed that it was of no use to the Jews to become 
artists and to be free from the taint of money. The "curse" 
still clung to them: they could not get out of the Ghetto. 
Herzl became excited and heated during the discussion and 
as he walked home he still felt his mind seething. Then 
suddenly the idea struck him to work out the tragedy of the 
Jew's existence in the world that did not want him in the 
form of a drama. He sat down to write the following day, 
and after "three blessed weeks of burning excitement and 
labor" he completed the play in seventeen days, from Oc- 
tober 21 to November 8, 1894. He called it The Ghetto. 

The central character is a high-minded Jewish lawyer. Dr. 
Jacob Samuel, who, while loyal to his people, struggles to 
free himself from the social and moral Ghetto in which he 
feels himself confined. He is forsaken by his best friend, 
Dr. Franz Wurzlechner, a Christian, who wishes to enter 
political life and breaks off his Jewish connections, which 
he regards as a hindrance. Samuel bears the parting without 
bitterness, saying: "If I have come some way out of the Jews' 
street, it was with your help. Now I can go on alone." And 


he continues alone. In contrast to him are his brother-in- 
law, Rheinberg, a banker, and his partner, Wasserstein, a 
good-natured but boorish broker, who float a company for 
the exploiting of a mine in conjunction with its owner, a 
Christian aristocrat, Rittmeister von Schramm. Samuel is 
engaged as legal adviser to the company and seeks to protect 
the interests of Schramm from the dubious designs of his 

Unfortunately, the mine is flooded, the shares fall rapidly, 
and a loan taken by Schramm is no longer covered by his 
holding in the concern. In this financial crisis, Schramm 
seeks an interview with Rheinbergj and is refused, but he is 
seen by Samuel, who wishes to effect a reconciliation. Their 
conversation becomes heated when Samuel reproaches 
Schramm with ill treatment of the miners and the Ritt- 
meister (who has an old grudge against the lawyer) accuses 
him of being in league with his brother-in-law and hurls 
at him the word "Judenpack (Jewish rabble)." The lawyer, 
enraged, replies to the insult by slapping the other man on 
the cheek. There follows a duel, in which Samuel is mortally 
wounded. With his last breath he cries out: "Jews, my 
brothers, you won't be allowed to live again until you— get 
out of the Ghetto." The plot may nowadays seem rather 
artificial and melodramatic, but the play gave a faithful 
reflection of the relations between Jews and Christians in 
the social and commercial world of the time in Central 
Europe, and, although the main characters were types who 
spoke the speeches written for them by the author, they were 
nevertheless taken from life and delineated with a skillful 


Herzl felt sure that his endeavors to secure the presenta- 
tion of such a piece on the German stage, dealing frankly 
and critically with the Jewish question, would meet with the 
opposition of Jewish directors, who controlled many of the 
leading theatres. At the same time he wished that it should 
be judged solely on its own merits, uninfluenced by the name 
of its author, and therefore decided to ask his friend Arthur 
Schnitzler to try to get it accepted by a theatre as the work 
of a new playwright named Albert Schnabel. Herzl wrote 
to him that his sole purpose was to have the play produced 
so as to stimulate a general discussion of the Jewish question. 
The critics and the public could then defend and accuse. 
He did not care a rap about any money that it might earn, 
although he had hardly any, nor about the fame that it 
might win, although he had "none at all." If only the piece 
were performed, he would feel that he had unburdened 

In a further letter to Schnitzler (dated January 9, 1895), 
he wrote that nobody had the least suspicion of the author- 
ship of the play, although he had felt tempted to disclose it 
to two persons. The first was Beer, in whose studio the idea 
of the play was born. On the following day he said to the 
sculptor: "Beer, if I were now not a wage-earner but could 
betake myself to the heights above Amalfi, I could write a 
play." He then absented himself from the studio until the 
play was finished, and when he returned he felt an urge to 
tell him the reason for his absence and to read the play to 
him, but, instead, he said that he had been prevented from 
coming by newspaper matters. The other person was his 
"very good friend," Dr. Max Nordau, who had already at- 


tained international fame as an author and critic, and who 
would certainly, "in his ruthless love of truth, point out all 
the faults that he could have noticed." But he refrained 
from mentioning it to him, too. Schnitzler did his best, but 
failed to secure the acceptance of the play by any of the 
theatres in Vienna and Berlin to which he sent it. 

Herzl, who had meanwhile moved to 37 Rue Cambon, 
thereupon wrote, on May 14, 1895, to another friend, Hein- 
rich Teweles, the author, in Prague, and asked him if he 
would try to find a theatre for his play in that city. He 
described its contents, stressed its importance, and insisted 
that its anonymity be maintained. He also wrote that the 
four years he had already spent in Paris had "gone like a 
dream," and related the circumstances that had led to the 
play. He recalled that, at the time when he was traveling 
in Spain and received his appointment from the Neue Freie 
Presse, he was thinking of writing a novel about a modern 
Jew, but the plan had been set aside by his work as a cor- 
respondent. In Paris, he had been thrust into the world of 
politics and acquired "a more detached and loftier attitude 
to the anti-Semitism of my distant homeland." He appealed 
to Teweles to overcome any opposition that he might en- 
counter from a theatre manager or anybody else, and to 
emphasize that The Ghetto was a sermon not different from 
any spoken by a Rabbi in the synagogue but was to be given 
in the freedom of the theatre: 

Yes, it is a piece of Jewish politics, and what I am invoking 
your help for is not the piece but the Jewish politics. For some 
time now I believe that I cannot have a greater aim in my 
life than to devote myself to the Jewish cause, but in a different 
manner from that done hitherto— freer, higher, and in a peculiar 


After Teweles had received the manuscript, he informed 
Herzl that he was pleased with it, although he was not so 
obsessed by the Jewish question himself. Herzl replied: "You 
say that the Jewish question does not preoccupy you. It 
preoccupies me for some time entirely, entirely, entirely. 
By writing this piece I thought that I had unburdened my 
soul. I have not. On the contrary, I have got deeper and 
deeper into the matter. For some time now I feel in the 
mood of a Savonarola. ... I feel enthusiastic about it to 
an inexpressible degree." 

A fortnight later Herzl received an inquiry from Schnitz- 
ler about the fate of the manuscript. He replied (on June 
23, 1895) that it was in Prague, that no decision had yet 
been reached, and that the whole matter had sunk into the 
background of his consciousness. His letter continued: 

But you were right then when, with your shrewd glance, you 
saw that, with this one eruption, I had not unburdened myself 
of the matter. In the weeks since I last wrote to you something 
different, new, much greater, has shot up in me, which seems 
to me now like a basalt mountain, perhaps because I am still 
so shaken. . . . There were weeks of the most terrible creative 
excitement, in which I often feared I was becoming mad. At 
present I have only outlines of a plan, but they are already a 
whole book. We shall talk about it when we meet in the summer 
in the Salzkammergut. This work is in any case for me and the 
rest of my life of the greatest importance, perhaps also for all 
men. For what makes me assume that I have planned something 
valuable is the fact that not for a second did I think of myself 
working as a literary man but always of other people who are 
suffering gravely. 

Another few days' work and the thing is finished, so that 
it can no longer get lost, even if, owing to the circumstances of 
life, I should be prevented from its detailed execution. Then I 


leave Paris for a few days to recover. . . . You know that lovely 
poem of Heyse, "To the Artist," which I often quoted. It runs: 

. . . Bangend, er konnte uber Nacht 
Hinfahren, ehe dieses Werk vollbracht.^ 

That is my mood. I have deposited the pile of notes written 
so far in the Comptoir d'Escompte, strong box No. 6, shelf No. 
2. To open it each of the three knobs must be turned to the 
right seven times. Somebody must know this lest I "pass hence in 
the night." You are now that one. Do I seem to you excited? 
I am not. I was never in such a happy and elated mood. I don't 
think of dying but of a life full of manly deeds, which ex- 
tinguishes and elevates everything low, dissolute, and corrupt 
that may ever have been in me, just as I, through this work, 
have reconciled myself with all. 

Herzl's play was not produced in Prague, owing to the 
opposition of the president of the Jewish community, who 
feared that it might have some unfortunate consequences. 
It had to wait more than two years for its first performance, 
in Vienna, under the title of The Neiu Ghetto, and it was 
then presented in Berlin, Hamburg, Prague, and many other 
cities. By that time, Herzl had created a new movement in 
Jewish life of far-reaching significance and aroused the won- 
dering attention of the whole civilized world. 

2 "Fearing lest he pass hence in the night before this work was completed." 


The Visionary 


Schnitzler in such enthusiastic and perfervid terms was de- 
voted to a plan for the solution of the Jewish problem. He 
had first become aware that there was such a problem when, 
as a young man of twenty-two, he read Eugen Diihring's 
book, which, he said, struck him like a blow on the head. 
But although it aroused in him the strongest indignation, he 
did not concern himself seriously with the Jewish question 
for another twelve years, even though he was rudely re- 
minded of its existence through personal experience on at 
least two occasions. The first was in Mainz, while traveling 
through Germany in 1888. One evening he entered a cheap 
music-hall to drink a glass of beer, and, when he rose to 
leave and made his way through the noise and smoke to 
the door, he heard a youth call out: "Hep, hep!" ^ followed 
by an outburst of coarse laughter. The second occasion was 
in the summer of 1894, at Baden, near Vienna, when some- 
body shouted after his carriage "Saujud!" The latter 
experience affected him much more painfully, because it fol- 
lowed immediately after his discussion with his friend 
Speidel about anti-Semitism, and also because it occurred 
in what he regarded as his "homeland." 

In Paris, he passed unrecognized and unnoticed in the 

1 Hep, consisting of the initials of the Avords "Hierosolyma est perdita" 
(Jerusalem is lost), was the cry of the medieval Jew-baiter. 



crowd, and did not feel troubled by anti-Semitism. He found 
a historical explanation for the movement and adopted a 
rather tolerant attitude to it. He was even on friendly terms 
with the novelist, Alphonse Daudet, who was an avowed 
anti-Semite, although not of the violent type. It was at the 
latter's house that he met Edouard Drumont, who was author 
of La France Juive, the most anti-Jewish work published in 
France, which went into more than a hundred editions, and 
who was also the editor of La Libre Parole, which indulged 
daily in anti-Jewish defamation. Herzl did not believe in 
the utility of societies formed for "warding off anti-Semi- 
tism," and although he had the highest regard for Baroness 
Bertha von Suttner (1843-1914),^ the famous peace apostle, 
he thought that she was quite mistaken in expecting that 
such societies would be of any help. He had set forth his 
own views on the subject within the limits of his drama. 
The New Ghetto, but this did not by any means offer a 
solution, for although it ended with the words "Out of the 
Ghetto!" it did not attempt to answer the question: 
"Whither?" He found it necessary to go on thinking. 

After he had written the play, some nostalgic instinct 
prompted him to go to the great synagogue in the Rue de 
la Victoire. Although he had been living in Paris for three 
years, that was his first visit to a Jewish house of worship 
in the city. "I again found the religious service," he wrote, 
"solemn and moving. I was reminded in many ways of 
my youth, of the Temple in the Tabakgasse in Pest. I looked 
at the Jews here and noticed the family resemblance of 
their faces." He also recalled while there that when he was 
in Vienna a few months earlier he had thought of writing 
a book on "Conditions of the Jews." He wanted to go to 

2 Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1905. 


the various countries where the Jews hved in masses, namely, 
Russia, GaUcia, Hungary, Bohemia, later the Orient and 
the new Zionist colonies, and finally Western Europe again. 
From all the faithful descriptions that he would write it 
would become clear how undeserved was the misfortune of 
the Jews, and he would show that they were human beings 
whom people abuse without knowing them. "Here," he 
wrote, "I have really acquired reporter's eyes, which are 
necessary for such surveys." 

In the course of one of his visits to Daudet, he touched 
on the Jewish question and became rather heated as he ex- 
plained his point of view. When he mentioned that he 
wanted to write a book for and about the Jews, Daudet 
asked: "A novel?" "No," he replied, "rather a book for men.*^ 
Whereupon Daudet said: "A novel goes farther. Think of 
Uncle Tom's Cabin." Herzl conti-nued to hold forth on the 
theme and impressed Daudet to such a degree that he finally 
said: "Comme c'est beau, comme c'est beau." 

Suddenly an outrageous and scandalous event, which 
shocked the whole civilized world, claimed his attention and 
dominated his mind. It was the trial of a Jewish officer of the 
French General Staff, Captain Alfred Dreyfus (1859-1935), 
who was falsely accused of high treason by selling military 
secrets to Germany, found guilty, and condemned to im- 
prisonment on Devil's Island for life. Herzl, as a newspaper 
correspondent, was present at the court-martial from Decem- 
ber 19 to 22, 1894, and followed the proceedings, as long as 
they were public, with a feeling of distress. He was also 
present at the public degradation of Dreyfus, whose epau- 
lettes and buttons were torn from his uniform and whose 
sword was broken, on January 5, 1895, on the Champ de 
Mars; and as he heard the hysterical mob yelling: "A mort, a 


mort les Juijs!" his blood ran cold. ^ Death to all Jews be- 
cause this one had been found a traitor! 

But was he really a traitor? Herzl had a private conversa- 
tion at the time with a military attache who knew nothing 
more than appeared in the papers, but who believed in the 
guilt of Dreyfus, because it seemed to him impossible that 
seven officers could unanimously condemn a comrade with- 
out the most convincing proof. Herzl, however, maintained 
that Dreyfus was innocent, because it seemed to him psycho- 
logically impossible that a Jew who had chosen a military 
career out of ambition and a morbid lust for honor should 
commit high treason without any conceivable motive, since 
he had ample private means.* But the Dreyfus case was not 
merely a judicial error: it demonstrated the wish of the 
majority in France to condemn all Jews just because of one. 
And that in the enlightened French Republic, which had 

3 In 1897, it was proved that the copy of the secret document, which 
formed the basis of the charge agamst Dreyfus, had been written by Major 
Esterhazy, a French spy in the pay of Germany. The resuk of an agitation 
conducted by Emile Zola and others was that Dreyfus, after five years' im- 
prisonment on Devil's Island, off the coast of Guiana, was brought back to 
France in 1899 and retried at Rennes by a Council of War. He was again con- 
demned, but ivas recommended to the indulgence of the War Office, where- 
upon he was granted pardon by the President of the Republic, and released. 
Not until 1906, however, was the Rennes verdict quashed by the Court of 
Appeal, which proclaimed the innocence of Dreyfus, who was then promoted 
to the rank of Major and awarded the order of the Legion of Honor. 

4 A few weeks after the condemnation of Dreyfus, Max Nordau dined at 
the house of his friend and patient, Hoehne, Counsellor of the German 
Embassy (in Paris), with Herr von Schwarzkoppen, military attache of the 
Embassy. The latter informed Nordau that the German Embassy had never 
had anything to do with Dreyfus. Nordau gave this information to Herzl, 
Zola, and other writers, and they urged him to obtain written confirmation 
of Dreyfus's innocence. Nordau, therefore, made a special visit to Berlin to 
obtain a ^vritten statement from Schwarzkoppen, but the latter, while repeat- 
ing his previous declaration, said that he dared not interfere with the Paris 
trial, since, if the judges denied the validity of his testimony, grave diplomatic 
incidents might arise. (Anna and Maxa Nordau, Max Nordau: A Biography, 
pp. 328-329.) 


conferred civil equality upon all Jews a hundred years 
before. It had hitherto been generally believed that the 
solution of the Jewish question would result from the grad- 
ual evolution of humanity to a state of toleration. But if 
such a highly civilized people as the French could sink to 
such depths of iniquitous injustice, what could be expected 
from other nations that had not yet progressed as far as the 
French had a century before? 

After some months of ceaseless cogitation, Herzl came to 
the conclusion that the best solution of the Jewish question 
would consist in the Jews enjoying national independence 
in a land of their own. "It was the Dreyfus trial that made 
me a Zionist," he wrote in an article that he contributed 
to the North American Review in 1899. Convinced of the 
momentous nature of his vision, and unable to foresee what 
practical steps would have to be taken and what obstacles 
overcome in order to achieve its realization, he began, early 
in the summer of 1895, to keep a Diary, so as to have a day- 
to-day account of his endeavors. He continued to make 
entries in it methodically and meticulously for nine years, 
until shortly before his death, by which time he had written 
a chronicle extending to more than eighteen hundred printed 
pages comprising about a half million words.^ It is an amaz- 
insf record of an indefatis^able, resourceful, and heartbreak- 
ing struggle, conducted by a selfless and dynamic personality, 
who noted down everything of interest that he did and 
thought in the pursuit of his ideal. It includes reasonable 

5 Published under the title Theodor Herzls Tagebucher, three volumes, 
1922-1923, Berlin. The editor was Professor Leon Kellner, Herzl's literary 


proposals and fantastic suggestions, random thoughts and 
sage reflections, drafts of letters and notes for speeches, pen 
portraits of scores of personalities, interviews with statesmen 
and sovereigns, details of important journeys, comments on 
congresses and conferences, praise for those who helped and 
blame for those who hindered, interspersed ^vith a frank out- 
pouring of his hopes and aspirations, his doubts and fears, 
his frustrations and disappK)intments, his annoyance at being 
ridiculed and his determination to win through. That he 
succeeded in producing this imposing autobiography, while 
at the same time always busy with nerve-racking political 
activity, occupied with journalistic duties, and continuing 
to engage in creative writing, was a triumph of industry and 
strength of will. 

In the opening passage of Volume I of his Diary, Herzl 
set forth the nature of the task to which he had dedicated 

I have been engaged for some time on a work that is of 
immeasurable grandeur. I don't yet know whether 1 shall carry 
it out. It seems like a mighty dream. For days and weeks now it 
has preoccupied me everywhere, hovers over my ordinary con- 
versations, peers over my shoulder at my coiiically petty jour- 
nalistic work, disturbs me and intoxicates me. 

What will result from it 1 cannot yet surmise. Only my ex- 
perience tells me that it is remarkable already as a dream and 
that I should write it down— if not as a memorial for mankind, 
then for my own pleasure or meditation in the future. And 
perhaps between these two possibilities— for literature. If the 
romance leads to no reality, then out of the reality may come a 

Title: The Promised Land! 

The first practical step that tie took, in May, 1895, was to 
write to Baron Maurice de Hirsch (1831-1896), asking for 


an appointment to discuss the Jewish question. Hirsch was 
a multimillionaire, born in Munich and living in Paris, 
who had made a vast fortune from the building of railways 
in Russia and the Balkans and who was devoting a large 
part of it to the transplantation of Jews from Russia and 
Rumania to the Argentine and other parts of America, where 
they were settled in agricultural villages. For this purpose, 
he founded the Jewish Colonization Association, with a 
capital of two million pounds, which he later increased to 
about ten million pounds. The interview took place on the 
morning of Whit Sunday in the Baron's palatial mansion, 
by the magnificence of which and the profusion of its works 
of art Herzl was much impressed. He took with him twenty- 
two pages of closely written notes and asked to be allowed 
to speak for an hour, to which the Baron assented. But Herzl 
did not get very far in his notes. The Baron insisted that 
emigration was the only solution and that there were enough 
countries to be bought, to which Herzl replied that there 
must be a previous training and preparation of the Jews 
who were to emigrate, and that arrangements must be made 
to prevent an economic disturbance and a vacuum in the 
countries they |eft. Thereupon Hirsch said: "Where will 
you get the money from? Rothschild will subscribe five 
hundred francs." 

"The money?" returned Herzl, laughing defiantly. "I shall 
raise a Jewish national loan of ten million marks." 

"Fantasy!" exclaimed Hirsch with a smile. "The rich Jews 
give nothing. The rich are bad— they don't interest them- 
selves in the sufferings of the poor." 

"You talk like a Socialist, Baron Hirsch," said Herzl. 

"I really am one. I am quite ready to hand over everything 
if the others must also do the same." 

The interview ended inconclusively, the Baron remark- 


ing that this was not their last talk. But as soon as Herzl 
returned home, he wrote the Baron a long letter (on June 3, 
1895), in which he said that, owing to Hirsch's impatience 
and interruptions, he had not got beyond page 6 o£ his notes 
and he therefore was supplementing his verbal statement. 
Hirsch, he wrote, was the big-money Jew, while he was the 
Jew of the spirit, and, if it were objected that he was young, 
at his age a man was a minister in France and Napoleon was 
Emperor. He had thought out all the numerous technical 
details in connection with the exodus to the Promised Land, 
which would be headed by a flag. "And then you would have 
scoffingly asked me: 'a flag, what is that? A pole with a piece 
of stuff?' No, sir, a Uro- is more than that. With a flag one 
leads people whithersoever one wishes, even into the Promised 
Land." The letter continued: What was a national loan of 
ten milliard marks for the Jews? They were surely richer 
than the French of 1871, and how many Jews were among 
them! Besides, they could already start on the march with 
one milliard. "Jewish money was found in heavy masses 
for a Chinese loan, for Negro railways in Africa, for the 
most adventurous enterprises— and for the extremest, most 
immediate, most tormenting need of the Jews themselves 
would none be found?" 

Herzl never had a second interview with Hirsch, but a 
fortnight later he wrote him a concluding note, saying that 
he had given the matter up: 

Why? My plan would fail more because of the poor than 
of the rich Jews. . . . The Jews are at present not to be helped. 
If one showed them the Promised Land they would scoff at him. 
For they are degenerate. Yet I know where the cause lies: in 
ourselves. . . . We must sink still deeper, be abused still more, 
spat at, despised, flogged, plundered and beaten, until we are 
ripe for this idea. . . . We are not yet desperate enough. That 


is why the savior would be laughed away. . . . The matter is now 
settled for me as a practical thing. But theoretically I hold it 
high and firm. 

But he did not give the matter up; on the contrary, he 
devoted himself to it with such passionate concentration 
that he was completely obsessed by it. He jotted down notes 
about all conceivable aspects of the projected State in cease- 
less profusion, dating them all. After they had accumulated, 
he asked his father to copy them in order into a book, while 
he continued his Diary in a separate book. The reason for 
temporarily interrupting his consecutive record was: 

Because there followed several weeks of unparalleled produc- 
tion, in which I could no longer make a fair copy of my ideas. 
I wrote walking, standing, lying, in the street, at the table, at 
night, when I was driven out of sleep. 

He realized that much of what he wrote was disjointed and 
confused, but he would not stop to revise, as that would in- 
terfere with the flow of his thoughts; and he admitted that 
many suggestions seemed bizarre and fantastic, because in 
the first efflux of inspiration he still debated with himself 
whether he should present his ideas in the form of a romance 
or a political monograph. But he came to the conclusion 
that it would be beneath his dignity to make his plan 
palatable to the public "by love scenes and petty jokes as 
Bellamy does in his romance of the future." ^ 


Herzl's next step was to write a letter (June 16, 1895) to 
Dr. Moritz Gudemann (1835-1919), Chief Rabbi of the 
Jewish community of Vienna, who enjoyed great esteem as 

6 Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward, 1888. 


a scholar and spiritual leader, informing him that he had 
decided to put himself at the head of a movement for the 
Jews and asking for his help. He would like him to write 
an account of the moral and political conditions of the Jews 
in Austria-Hungary, Germany, Russia, and Rumania, and 
to meet him a week later at Caux, above Territet, on the 
Lake of Geneva, for a private discussion. He suggested Caux 
because there they would be free from the distractions of the 
world and surrounded by the peace and beauty of nature. 
He had also written to a Jewish businessman, Salo Cohn, 
asking him to draw up a report on the economic conditions 
of the Jews in those countries and to meet them at Caux, 
but, as he had received no reply from him, he requested Dr. 
Giidemann to invite another competent person to undertake 
the task and meet them there. Above all, there must be the 
strictest secrecy. 

He continued jotting down all sorts of ideas— about the 
means of transportation, building houses, a seven-hour day, 
a labor corps from Russia, marriage conditions, military 
conscription, the stock exchange, the press, theatres and 
cafes. Rabbis and High Priest, transformation of the Society 
of Jews into the Jewish State, mode of government, a white 
flag with seven golden stars— and scores and scores of pages 
with further ideas, many of which were finally adopted in 
his brochure. The Jewish State. His mental state at the 
time is reflected in the following notes (June 16, 1895): 

I have often been afraid these days that I would go out of 
my mind, so wildly did the trains of thought rush through my 
soul. A whole life will not suffice to carry everything out. 

I believe that I shall be named among the greatest bene- 
factors of mankind. Or is this opinion already megalomania? I 
must above all master myself. 

1 believe that for me life has ceased and world history begun. 


I walked about in the Bois for three hours to get rid of the 
torment of new trains of thought. It became always worse. Now 
I am sitting at Pousset's, writing them down— and I feel easier. 

The Jewish State is a world necessity.^ 

It was during his last two months while staying at the 
Hotel Castille, Rue Cambon, that Herzl wrote the first 
draft of his epoch-making booklet. How he felt during its 
composition he later described in an autobiographical 
sketch: ^ 

I do not remember ever having written anything in such an 
exalted state of mind as this book. Heine says that he heard 
the pinions of an eagle fluttering over his head when he wrote 
certain verses. I also felt that I heard a similar rustling over 
my head when I wrote this book. I worked at it daily until I 
was quite exhausted. 

Anxious to ascertain the views of "a sensible friend" and 

fellow journalist, S , Herzl gave him an exposition of 

his plan, which reduced his hearer to tears. Herzl thought 
that he had been deeply moved by the distressing situation 
of the Jews that he described, but his friend explained that 
his tears were due to the fear that Herzl's mind was un- 
hinged. The publication of such a plan would make him 
either ridiculous or tragic. Herzl replied that the "tragic" 
would not frighten him, and if it were thought ridiculous, 
then not he but the cause would be doomed to failure. The 
following day his friend brought him a batch of receipts for 
telegram charges, and as he had to add up the amounts a few 
times before obtaining the correct result, whereas Herzl 
reckoned them up quickly and got the right total the first 
time, Herzl's faith in his mental stability was immediately 

7 Tagebiicher, vol. I, pp. 115—117. 

8 Zionistische Schriften, p. 9. 


restored. This experience prompted Herzl to address a letter 
(July 19) to Prince Bismarck (who was then eighty and had 
been dismissed by the German Emperor from his high 
office five years before), stating that he had found "the solu- 
tion of the Jewish question, not a solution," and craving 
the opportunity to explain it in person. If His Excellency 
declined this request, then the plan would remain a romance 
—a Utopia like all the others from Thomas More to Bellamy. 
The letter was not written in the terms and tone that should 
have been used by a stranger in soliciting a favor from the 
illustrious statesman, and it produced no reply. 

Thereupon Herzl wrote a succession of letters to Dr. 
Giidemann, emphasizing the importance of the problem 
that he wished to discuss with him and some experienced 
layman, and stressing his desire to avoid making any proposal 
that might prove harmful. He also informed him that he 
was writing out a detailed exposition of his plan (of which 
he had already done sixty-eight pages), which he wished 
the Chief Rabbi to read to Albert Rothschild in Vienna, 
and he would like the latter then to come at once to Paris, 
where he would repeat the lecture at a private gathering of 
the Rothschilds, with a view to obtaining their personal and 
financial cooperation. He would tell them that they were 
rich enough to further his scheme, but not rich enough to 
frustrate it. He also wrote to Albert Rothschild himself 
that he had drafted a memorandum on the Jewish question 
for submission to the German Emperor and would like to 
meet him in Austria about a month later to read it to him. 
He received no reply, which annoyed him very much, as he 
was accustomed to an acknowledgment even from the French 
President and the Foreign Minister whenever he made an 
approach to them. Nor did a further letter to Baron de 
Hirsch, who had gone to London, evoke any other response 


than that he would not be able to see him for several months 
and that his views were unchanged. 

The only moral encouragement of any value that he re- 
ceived was from Dr. Max Nordau (1849-1923), who was 
also born in Budapest and was eleven years older than HerzL 
Besides being a physician, Nordau was a journalist, play- 
wright, and celebrated man of letters. He was the Paris cor- 
respondent of the important Berlin paper, the Vossische 
Zeitung, and of the Argentinian La Nacion, and had won 
international fame as the author, in particular, of three 
iconoclastic studies of the moral and mental pathology of 
the contemporary world, Conventional Lies of Civilization, 
Paradoxes, and Degeneration, which had gone into scores 
of editions and been translated into many languages. Al- 
though the son of an orthodox Rabbi, Nordau had become 
alienated from Judaism; but when Herzl discussed the Jew- 
ish question with him he found him to be in perfect accord 
with himself, for Nordau contended that it was not a matter 
of religion but of race. "What is the tragedy of Jewry?" he 
remarked. "That this most conservative people, which would 
like to cling to one soil, has been without a home for two 
thousand years." There were also other Jews in Paris with 
whom Herzl had talks about the Jewish problem, notably 
Dr. Alexander Marmorek (1865-1923), a bacteriologist who 
worked in the Pasteur Institute and whom he also found to 
be like-minded with himself. 

Meanwhile, Herzl felt that he had been in Paris long 
enough. He therefore proposed to the editors of the Neue 
Freie Presse that he should exchange his position as foreign 
correspondent for one in the office in Vienna, and they 


agreed to appoint him as literary editor. He left Paris on 
July 27, 1895, after nearly four years of strenuous activity in 
that city, greatly enriched by experience and with a totally 
different spiritual outlook from that with which he had 
begun his career as a foreign correspondent. He first went 
to Aussee, in the north of Austria, for a holiday, and from 
there continued his correspondence with Chief Rabbi Giide- 
mann about a meeting to discuss his plan. On the latter's 
recommendation, he wrote to Dr. Heinrich Meyer-Cohn, in 
Berlin, as a lay expert on Jewish questions, asking him to 
join them for this momentous discussion. Finally it was 
agreed that the three should meet in Munich on August 18. 

They sat down together for lunch in a Jewish restaurant, 
where the proprietor, who knew Dr. Giidemann, put a 
private room at their disposal. After the meal, Herzl began 
to read what he entitled his "Speech to the Rothschilds," 
which was substantially identical with his booklet; but there 
was a break in the afternoon, as Dr. Meyer-Cohn had an 
appointment. The meeting was resumed at six o'clock in 
HerzFs small bedroom in a hotel, and, as it contained only 
two chairs, Herzl sat on the bed and continued his reading 
until half-past eight, by which time he reached the core of 
his plan. The Chief Rabbi, deeply impressed, said: "You 
seem to me like Moses"— praise that Herzl laughingly 
brushed aside. They then adjourned to the restaurant for 
supper, after which Herzl read the concluding part. The 
result at which they arrived after some discussion was that 
the "Speech" should not be submitted to the Rothschilds, 
but that the ideas which it contained should be worked out 
in the form of a novel that should give rise to a movement 
among the Jewish people. 

Herzl accompanied the Chief Rabbi to the station, and 
as they parted, the latter, in a spirit of fervent enthusiasm. 


said: "Remain as you are! Perhaps you are the one chosen 
by God." Then they kissed and shook hands with a firm 

After his critics had left, Herzl pondered on their judg- 
ment and felt some misgivings about the publication of 
his plan, particularly as they looked upon it as a Utopia. 
He therefore wrote to them both to correct this view, and 
emphasized the fundamental difference that distinguished 
his scheme from a Utopia. By a curious coincidence, another 
Vienna journalist with a somewhat similar name, Theodor 
Hertzka (1845-1924), had published in 1890 a book entitled 
Freiland, based largely upon the ideas of two American 
economists, Henry George and Henry Carey. This work was 
very popular at the time and went into several editions, and 
it influenced Dr. Giidemann and Dr. Meyer-Cohn in their 
judgment. Herzl therefore pointed out that Freiland con- 
sisted of a complicated machinery with many cogs and 
wheels, which could not be brought into motion, whereas 
his plan was animated by a vital force that would assuredly 
lead to its realization. That force was the Judennot— the 
misery of Jewry. He was resolved to fight for the acceptance 
of his ideas as soon as he made his home ag;ain in Vienna. 


The Apostle 


September, 1895, was seething with anti-Semitism. The move- 
ment had spread to Austria from Germany immediately 
after the Franco-Prussian War and was zealously fostered 
by energetic and unscrupulous agitators. A virulent anti- 
Jewish book, Der Talmudjude, by Dr. August Rohling, a 
university professor in Prague, which was published in 1871, 
attained wide popularity and went into several editions. 
The movement was advanced and strengthened by the Pan- 
German Party under the leadership of Georg von Schoenerer 
to such an extent that several anti-Semites were elected to 
the Austrian Parliament in 1884. In the elections of 1891 as 
many as thirteen were returned, while in the Lower Austrian 
Diet the anti-Semites had almost a majority. The anti-Jewish 
agitation was particularly rampant in Vienna under the 
leadership of an astute mob orator. Dr. Karl Lueger, who, 
with the influential cooperation of Prince Lichtenstein, 
founded the Christian Social Party. In the municipal elec- 
tions in Vienna in 1895, the Liberals were defeated by 
Lueger, who was elected Burgomaster twice and was re- 
jected both times by the Emperor Francis Joseph. But when 
Lueger was elected in the following year a third time, the 
Emperor felt bound to accord his unwilling assent. 

The effect of all this was not only to cause the Jews in 
Austria discomfort and disquiet but also to condemn them 
to disabilities in both the economic and the academic fields. 


They were denied all municipal contracts, excluded from 
public administration, and barred from communal under- 
takings. Many also had difficulties in securing domiciliary 
rights in Vienna. But the most outras^eous form in which 
anti-Semitism manifested itself was at the universities, where 
German nationalists provoked, abused, and attacked their 
Jewish fellow students, and even drove them away. The 
climax was reached when German students' unions issued 
a declaration that no challenge from a Jew to a duel should 
be accepted, as no Jew possessed a sense of honor that 
deserved satisfaction. That was an insult that hurt more than 
a blow from a whip. 

Such was the political and social atmosphere that Herzl 
found when he took up his duties as literary editor of the 
Neue Freie Presse. This paper was owned and edited by two 
Jews of great journalistic ability, Moritz Benedikt (1849- 
1920) and Eduard Bacher (1846-1908), and many members 
of its staff, as well as many contributors, were also Jews. 
But its editors vigorously maintained that it was not a 
Judenblatt: it was a general newspaper representing German 
liberal opinion; and although it championed Jewish inter- 
ests insofar as they were affected or threatened by injustice, 
its directors declared that they were Jewish only by religion 
and claimed to be patriotic and ardent Austro-Germans. 

Herzl was naturally anxious to obtain the support of the 
Neue Freie Presse for his solution of the Jewish question, 
for this paper, although frowned upon by a large section of 
Christian opinion in Austria, undoubtedly exercised far 
greater political influence than any other organ in the 
country. Moreover, the prevalence of anti-Semitism seemed 
to him a cogent argument on his side, and he therefore 
thought that he could easily secure editorial cooperation. 
He decided to submit his plan to Bacher, for, if he favored 


it, he could attract a number of men with sufficient authority 
and power to carry it out; on the other hand, if Bacher 
looked upon it only as a romance, then it would remain a 
romance. But in their very first talk, Herzl saw that Bacher 
was totally opposed to the scheme and would perhaps fight 
it. Bacher agreed that anti-Semitism was unpleasant, but 
looked upon it as a movement that would pass. Herzl then 
had a four-hour talk with a colleague. Dr. Ehrlich, an ex- 
pert on economic and financial questions, to find out whether 
there was any technical flaw in the details of his scheme. 
Ehrlich saw none: he was enthusiastic about the plan, but 
felt sure that Bacher and Benedikt would oppose it. 

Herzl then rushed off to Salzburg to have a talk with 
Narcisse Leven (1833-1915), a founder and vice-president 
(and later president) of the Alliance Israelite Universelle, 
the most important Franco-Jewish philanthropic organiza- 
tion. Leven told him that he did not agree with his ideas, 
but advised him to approach the Chief Rabbi of France, 
Zadok Kahn (1839-1905), whom he described as an en- 
thusiastic Zionist. Leven also informed him that he would 
find many supporters in Russia, and mentioned in particular 
the name of Leo Pinsker (1821-1891), an Odessa physician, 
who had written a pamphlet advocating the resettlement of 
the Jews in a land of their own. Herzl made a note of the 
name and said that he would read the pamphlet when he 
had time, but he actually did not do so until his own 
brochure was being printed. 

On his return to Vienna, he had another talk with the 
Chief Rabbi, Dr. Giidemann, and found that he had become 
lukewarm. He also discussed the matter with a bank director, 
Dessauer, who was at first enthusiastic but changed his tone 
the following day. Far more important was his talk during 
a three-hour walk (on October 20) with Moritz Benedikt, 


the proprietor and editor-in-chief of his paper, who regarded 
the project as very serious but thought that governments 
would forbid the emigration of Jews. The management of 
the Neue Freie Presse had never admitted that it was a 
"Jews' paper," and Benedikt declared that it would be a 
contradiction if they espoused the scheme. Thereupon Herzl 
proposed two alternatives: either the Neue Freie Presse 
should bring out a small paper, in which he would advocate 
his plan, or it should publish on the front page of a Sunday 
issue a long extract from his brochure, under the title "The 
Solution of the Jewish Question, by Dr. Theodor Herzl." 
The details could be given later in a special section headed 
"The Jewish Question," for which Herzl would have sole 
editorial responsibility. Benedikt replied that he would talk 
the matter over with Bacher, as the editorial management 
was responsible for everything that appeared in the paper. 

While this discussion was going on, Herzl was surprised to 
receive a visit from two official representatives of the new 
Austrian Prime Minister, Count Kasimir Badeni (1846- 
1909), Dr. Glogau and Dr. Stanislav Kozmian, who made 
him the fomal offer of the editorship of a new daily paper 
that the Government intended bringing out. It was a tribute 
to the high standing that Herzl enjoyed in the Austrian press 
world, but it confronted him with a dilemma. His main 
concern was to secure influential publicity for his plan. 
Would he be able to achieve it more effectively through the 
Neue Freie Presse or through the new Government organ? He 
discussed the position quite frankly with his editors and told 
them that he preferred to work with them, in the hope of 
realizing his idea through them rather than through Badeni. 


Benedikt said that he personally was in favor of the idea, but 
could not decide whether his paper should support it. He 
proposed that Herzl should take leave of absence in order to 
form a Societe d'Etudes (Study Society), either in Paris or 
London; but he could not give an understaking that his 
journal would be available as a mouthpiece. Thereupon 
Herzl spent three hours in reading his "Speech to the Roths- 
childs" to Bacher in his home, but the latter, while finding 
the idea great and moving, thought that the paper would 
risk too much in identifying itself with the scheme, as the 
Jews might not support it. 

When Badeni's representatives came to Herzl to repeat 
their offer, the latter stipulated that, if the new paper should 
prove a failure, at the end of a year it should become his 
personal property, to be used for the Jewish cause. He also 
made it a condition that he should work with Badeni in 
direct contact, and not through intermediaries: in other 
words, that he should be received on the footinar of an 
ambassador. When Herzl called on Badeni at the Ministerial 
Palace, on October 30, the Prime Minister assured him that 
his position would be secure, that he would receive him as 
an ambassador, and that their relationship would be per- 
manent. Badeni was even so friendly as to relight Herzl's 
cigar twice when it went out. Although the proffered editor- 
ship would have greatly enhanced his prestige, Herzl still 
preferred to remain with his old paper if only its editors 
would promise to publish his "Solution of the Jewish Ques- 
tion" within six months. He did not seek any compensation 
or other material advantage (although his salary had been 
reduced after his removal to Vienna and he was refused an 
expected allowance for his costs of transportation). He never- 
theless attended a conference of Government officials en- 
trusted with the launching of the new paper, to discuss 


various technical details, and he made some useful sugges- 
tions. But, after the conference, he felt that he did not be- 
long to those people. He wrote to Bacher that he was willing 
to remain with the Neue Freie Presse at his present salary 
and in his present position, and in a further talk said that 
it was impossible for him to part from him. 

Bacher was delighted: he assured Herzl that he had a 
great future on the Neue Freie Presse and that he had a 
better prospect of realizing his idea through this paper than 
through Badeni's. They then came to an agreement that, if 
the formation of the Societe d'Etudes should prove impos- 
sible, Herzl should publish his brochure and it would be 
reviewed in the Neue Freie Presse. He also volunteered to 
write Herzl a letter to the effect that he had not demanded 
nor would he receive any compensation for remaining with 
his paper. A couple of days later, Herzl called on the Pre- 
mier to show him this letter, and they parted quite amicably, 
Herzl being particularly pleased that he had established 
friendly relations with the head of the Austrian Govern- 
ment. The following day he informed his colleague. Dr. 
Ehrlich, of his decision. The latter remarked that the editors 
would not keep their word, whereupon Herzl was enraged 
and exclaimed: "If they break their promise to me, the 
pillars of this house will crack." Two years later Badeni 
was no lonsrer in office. 

When Herzl asked Benedikt and Bacher for the names 
of wealthy and influential Jews whom he could invite to 
Bacher's or his own house and deliver to them his "Speech 
to the Rothschilds," according to their arrangement, Bene- 
dikt replied that he did not know of any such people in 
the higher financial circles. However, he went of his own 
accord to David Gutmann and his son, who had been pio- 
neers in the use of coal in Austria and thereby made a 



fortune. The father took his remarks about the Jewish State 
quite seriously, but, when the younger man tried to make 
some jokes about it, Herzl reproved him severely and said 
that anybody who wanted to jest about it "would be trodden 
upon and stamped by the movement." 

On November 16, he was in Paris again, for the purpose 
of sounding some leading members of the Jewish community. 
In the house of Zadok Kahn (1839-1905), the Chief Rabbi 
of France, he read his "Speech" to a select gathering, but, 
apart from the fact that Zadok Kahn and his son-in-law 
declared themselves Zionists, the meeting served no positive 
purpose. The rest of those present declared themselves 
French nationalists and had no sympathy with his ideas. The 
only Jew who was in perfect agreement with him was Max 
Nordau, whom it was unnecessary to invite to the reading. 
Nordau gave him a letter of introduction to his fellow au- 
thor, Israel Zangwill (1864-1926), in London, where he had 
met him a little while before at the house of their publisher. 
William Heinemann. 

Herzl arrived in London on a foggy Thursday, November 
21, 1895, and spent a week in England, during which he met 
some of the leading figures in the Jewish community. He 
first drove straight to Kilburn, to call on Zangwill, who was 
then only thirty-one but had already become famous as the 
author of Children of the Ghetto, published in 1892. Herzl 
spoke in French, with which Zangwill was not very familiar, 
but the latter appreciated the importance and urgency of 
his mission and therefore got into touch immediately with 
some leading fellow members of "The Maccabaeans," a club 


of intellectuals,^ with a view to arranging a public dinner 
on the following Sunday, at which Herzl should give an 
address on his scheme, "Meager dinner, but good reception" 
was Herzl's comment in his Diary. He was given a friendly 
welcome and a sympathetic hearing (his German sp>eech be- 
ing translated by the Rev. Simeon Singer), but nothing 
practical resulted. He was invited to dinner by the Chief 
Rabbi, Dr. Hermann Adler, who would not commit himself 
to anything beyond saying that the matter would be sub- 
mitted to the Russo-Jewish Committee, to which Herzl 
replied that he would not submit his scheme, but that all 
who wished to cooperate Av^ould be welcome. He also had 
dinner with Sir Samuel Montagu (later the first Lord 
Swaythling), a patriarchal figure, member of Parliament for 
Whitechapel, and a pillar of orthodoxy and finance, who 
cautiously said that he would cooperate if the scheme had 
the support of one of the Great Powers. 

The two most fruitful contacts that Herzl made were with 
Colonel Albert Edward Goldsmid (1846-1904) and Asher 
Myers (1848-1902). He went to Cardiff to see Goldsmid, 
who was in command of the local military headquarters, 
and heard the romantic story of his life. Goldsmid had been 
brought up from his birth in Bombay as a Christian, but on 
discovering, when he reached manhood, that his parents 
were baptized Jews, he resolved to return to his ancestral 
faith; his wife, who was the daughter of baptized Jews, also 
returned to Judaism, and they were married in a synagogue. 

1 They included Israel Abrahams, historian and theologian, Joseph Jacobs, 
folklorist and literary critic, Lucien Wolf, journalist and author, Solomon J. 
Solomon, R.A., and Asher Myers, editor of the Jewish Chornicte. Herzl was 
also introduced to Captain Nathan, who was to have gone to Vienna as Mili- 
tary Attache to the British Embassy but was unacceptable to the Austrian 
Government because he was a Jew. He became well-known later as Sir Mat- 
thew Nathan, Governor of Queensland, Hongkong, etc., and held other high 
offices in the Go\crnment service. 


He called himself "Daniel Deronda," the hero of George 
Eliot's novel of that name, who had gone through a similar 
experience. The importance of Goldsmid to Herzl consisted 
in the fact that he was the head of the English branch of 
the Hovevei Zion ("Lovers of Zion") movement, which aimed 
at the establishment of Jewish agricultural settlements in 
Palestine, and had had two years' experience as director of 
the Jewish colonies established in the Argentine by Baron 
de Hirsch. He was later to render valuable service as a 
member of the Zionist expedition that went out at the 
beginning of 1903 to investigate the suitability for a Jewish 
settlement of a piece of territory in the Sinai Peninsula. 

At the house of the Rev. S. Singer, where Herzl again met 
Asher Myers and S. J. Solomon, as well as Dr. S. A. Hirsch, 
secretary of the Hovevei Zion association, he hoped to form a 
committee to further his scheme, but his efforts were in 
vain. There was, however, a sequel of vital significance. 
Myers, as an enterprising editor, asked Herzl to send him a 
resume of his forthcoming brochure, for publication in the 
Jewish Chronicle, and he promised to do so. Mr. Singer, 
the eloquent and influential preacher at the New West End 
Synagogue in Bayswater, displayed sufficient enthusiasm and 
friendship to see the distinguished visitor off at Charing 
Cross, but his initial ardor gradually cooled under the chill- 
ing influence of the Chief Rabbi and the lay leaders of 

On his arrival back in Paris, Herzl had to go to bed with 
a bronchial catarrh, which prompted Nordau to admonish 
him with the words: "A prophet must have a good lung." 
He soon recovered, however, and, after a courtesy visit to 
Zadok Kahn, he continued his journey to Vienna. There he 
lost no time in putting the finishing touches to his brochure, 
and sent a long resume of it to the Jewish Chronicle. It 


appeared as a special supplement of this paper on January 
17, 1896, under the title A Solution of the Jewish Question, 
and thus formed the first exposition of political Zionism to 
be presented to the public. Herzl offered the brochure, 
under the title Der Judenstaat, to two publishers in Berlin, 
both of whom refused it. He then arranged for it to be 
printed by a small Vienna publisher, Breitenstein. 

News of the publication of the article in the Jewish Chron- 
icle was at once telegraphed to Vienna, soon to be followed 
by copies of the paper itself, and Herzl's scheme immediately 
became a topic of animated discussion among his friends 
and fellow journalists. He was equally prepared for ridicule 
and opposition. The first comments were anything but 
complimentary. Dr. Lieben, secretary of the Jewish com- 
munity in Vienna, told him that he had received an inquiry 
from London whether Herzl was the author of the Utopia 
in the paper, and that he had replied that he did not think 
so, because he knew Herzl as "a sensible man." A colleague, 
Oppenheim, after reading the article, remarked that it con- 
tained "stuff" for a humorous skit, whereupon Herzl replied 
severely: "If anybody makes jokes about it, I shall make 
jokes about him. And I know how to make bad jokes." On 
the other hand. Chief Rabbi Giidemann, after seein^ the 
first proofs of the brochure, wrote to Herzl that it would 
"act like a bomb and work wonders." 

What concerned Herzl above all, however, was what his 
employers, Benedikt and Bacher, would say, even though 
they had promised him their support at the time when they 
feared that he would start a new paper. As soon as they had 
proofs of the brochure, the storm broke out and the atmos- 
phere in the office became tense. Bacher said that his main 
objection was that Herzl wrote that Jews could not be as- 


similated, as that would be seized upon by the anti-Semites 
for use in their campaign. Benedikt asked Herzl not to do 
anything that could not be undone, to which Herzl replied 
that he could not hold up the printing and "later altera- 
tions would entail expenses." Benedikt answered: "That can 
be put right with money." Herzl commented in his Diary: 
"I don't know whether I have understood that aright. Does 
he want to offer me money that I should drop the publi- 
cation?" -—but he did not state that such an offer was actually 
made, nor did the further discussion offer any ground for 
presuming it. In the course of Herzl's discussions with his 
employers, Bacher interjected: "You are burning your boats 
behind you." Herzl began to fear that Benedikt might want 
to dismiss him, in which case he must find another paper 
that would be at his disposal, and he thought of the idea, 
should it be necessary, of writing another brochure relating 
the whole sequence of events. 

Benedikt argued that no single person had a right to 
undertake the enormous responsibility of causing this ava- 
lanche that endangered so many interests; they would no 
longer have their present fatherland, neither would they 
have the Jewish State; the brochure was not ripe for publi- 
cation. He urged that it involved a personal danger for Herzl 
himself, as his reputation would be at stake, and he would 
thus damage the paper, of whose goodwill his literary fame 
formed a part. Besides, Herzl showed himself to be in direct 
opposition to several principles of the Neue Freie Presse. 
Benedikt wished that he should drop the publication of 
the brochure. 

Herzl replied: "My honor is engaged. I have already pub- 
lished the idea in the Jeiuish Chronicle. It doesn't belong to 

2 Tageb richer, vol. I, pp. 333-334. 


me but to the Jews. If I am now silent I would certainly 
imperil my reputation." 

Benedikt begged him to think it over, to postpone the 
publication for at least a few months, and he himself would 
help him in the necessary revision. Herzl asked: "When?" 
Benedikt replied: "In the summer— when I go for my holiday." 
Herzl laughed inwardly. Benedikt continued insinuating 
threats, although he admitted the other's right to publish. He 
earnestly warned him "as a friend," "as an experienced jour- 
nalist." He "advised him urgently," he "earnestly wished." 
He gave him to understand that he was well acquainted 
with the world of young authors, thus conveying the threat 
that Herzl could easily be replaced as literary editor. 

Then Benedikt tickled his vanity: "It's no matter of in- 
difference if Dr. Theodor Herzl publishes such a book. You 
are one of our most prominent collaborators— a part of the 
Neue Freie Presse. At least, if you do publish the book, you 
should not put your name on it." 

Herzl replied: "That Avould be a piece of cowardice and 
indeed useless cowardice." Finally Benedikt demanded that 
he should think it over for another twenty-four hours. 

Herzl talked the matter over with Giidemann, who ad- 
vised him not to give way. He also discussed it with the bank 
director, Dessauer, as they strolled through the city park, 
which was buried under snow. Dessauer saw no danger at 
all in publication, but only advantages. He thought that the 
editor should not adopt any particular attitude to the bro- 
chure, but simply have it reviewed by some Heidelberg 
professor or other. Then they spoke about the future devel- 
opment of Herzl's idea: 

He considers it just as possible that we shall experience the 
rise of the Jewish State as that it will materialize centuries after 


our death. He thinks that the Jewish State will already exist in 
fifty years.3 

Herzl went to a crowded meeting in the Jewish students' 
reading-room to hear an address by Dr. Giidemann and, 
when he spoke freely for an hour hiinself, he was given an 
enthusiastic ovation, which encouraged him. He was also 
pleased when he was shown a friendly notice of his Jeiuish 
Chronicle article in a Berlin monthly, Zion. Not until his 
brochure was already being printed did he at last read 
the pamphlet Auto-Emancipation, by Leo Pinsker, who had 
anticipated his ideas in 1882. His comment was: 

Astonishing agreement in the critical and great similarity 
in the constructive part. Pity that I didn't read the pamphlet 
before the printing of my own. And yet it's a good thing that 
I didn't know it— I would perhaps have refrained from writing 
my work. 

There can, indeed, be little doubt that, had he been ac- 
quainted beforehand with Pinsker's publication and with 
other similar writings of earlier date, he would not have 
undergone the acute and feverish mental pangs nor under- 
taken the laborious and meticulous lucubration that found 
an outlet in his own historic work. Never did any movement 
owe more than did political Zionism to the fact that its 
founder was totally ignorant of his predecessors. 

At last came the day of publication— Feburary 14, 1896. 
When the parcel containing five hundred copies (of a total 
first edition of three thousand) was brought into his room, 
he felt, as he recorded, a violent emotional upheaval after 
exciting days full of heartbeating and shortness of breath. 

^TagebiXcher, vol. I, pp. 340-341. Herzl's prophecy that the Jewish State 
would come into existence in fifty years, which he wrote in his Diary on Sep- 
tember 3, 1897 {Tagebucher, vol. II, p. 24), was thus anticipated. 


"This parcel of brochures," he wrote, "represents the de- 
cision symbolically. My life now takes perhaps a new turn." 


The brochure appeared under the title of Der Judenstaat 
("The Jewish State"), with a sub-title: Versuch einer moder- 
nen Loesung der Judenfrage ("An Attempt at a Modern 
Solution of the Jewish Question"), A comparison with the 
"Speech to the Rothschilds," given in his Diaries, shows 
that Herzl had made considerable revisions in that first draft 
and had presented his case in a more persuasive tone and a 
more systematic form. Facts and reasons are marshaled in 
an orderly manner and with cumulative effect: arguments 
are developed more cogently; technical details are explained 
concisely; and, throughout, there is a spirit of unqualified 
confidence in the correctness of his diagnosis and the prac- 
ticability of the scheme. At the very outset, he observed 
that the idea of the restoration of the Jewish State is not a 
new one but a very old one, aroused from its slumber by 
the anti-Jewish outcries re-echoing throughout the world; 
that his scheme has absolutely nothing in common with a 
Utopia; that the Jewish State is essential to the world and it 
will therefore be created. 

The Jewish question, he maintained, exists wherever Jews 
live in appreciable numbers, and, when they migrate from 
one country to another because of anti-Semitism, they carry 
it with them to their new domicile. It is not a social or re- 
ligious question but a national question, which can be solved 
only by making it "a political world question to be discussed 
and settled by the civilized nations of the world in council." 
In an eloquent and moving passage he wrote: 


We are a people— one people. We have honestly endeavored 
everywhere to merge ourselves in the communities surrounding 
us and to preserve only the faith of our fathers. We are not 
allowed to do so. In vain are we loyal patriots, our loyalty in 
some places even running to extremes; in vain do we make the 
same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow citizens; in 
vain do we strive to increase the fame of our land in the art^ 
and sciences, and her wealth by trade and commerce. In countries 
where we have already lived for centuries we are stigmatized as 
aliens, often by those whose ancestors were not yet settled in 
the land where our forefathers had already suffered affliction. 
Who is the alien in a country only the majority can decide, for 
it is a question of might like everything else in relations between 
nations. ... In the present state of the world and probably 
for a long time to come might precedes right. It is useless there- 
fore for us everywhere to be good patriots, as were the Hugue- 
nots, who were forced to emigrate. If we would only be left in 
peace. , . . But I think we shall not be left in peace. 

No amount of persecution could exterminate the Jews, for 
no nation on earth had survived such struggles and suffer- 
ings as they had undergone. Jew-baiting had merely caused 
the loss of their weaklings, while the strong defiantly re- 
turned to their race. To escape oppression by assimilation 
would require a reign of political tolerance, which even a 
Bismarck could not achieve; and those who became assimi- 
lated through their economic prosperity thereby provoked 
the very anti-Semitism they sought to elude. Moreover, the 
national personality of the Jews neither could, would, nor 
must be destroyed. It could not be destroyed, because ex- 
ternal enemies preserved it. It would not be destroyed: that 
had been shown in two thousand years of appalling suffering. 
"It must not be destroyed: that I am trying to set forth in 
this pamphlet after many other Jews who refused to give us 


hope. Whole branches of Jewry may wither away and fall, 
but the trunk remains." The establishment of the State 
would not affect adversely those Jews who were or wished 
to be assimilated, for, by holding aloof from it, they could 
assimilate perfectly in peace. They would, moreover, benefit 
by the withdrawal of those who threw in their lot with the 
State, for they would be relieved of the disturbing rivalry 
of a Jewish proletariat; and Christians would likewise profit 
by the exodus, as they would be able to occupy the positions 
thus vacated. Attempts at the colonization of Jews on a small 
scale had indeed been made and proved unsuccessful, but 
what was impracticable on a small scale was not necessarily 
so on a large scale. Nobody was powerful or wealthy enough 
to transplant a people from one land to another. That could 
be accomplished only by an idea. "The idea of a State may 
well have the power to do so. The Jews have never ceased 
to dream this kingly dream throughout the long night of 
their history. 'Next year in Jerusalem!' is our old watchword. 
It is now a question of showing that the dream can be con- 
verted into a brilliant idea." 

Herzl described instances of several forms of contemporary 
anti-Semitism, varying in violence and injustice, in different 
countries, and argued that no reversal of the tide of enmity 
could be expected. Everything pointed to the same con- 
clusion, which could be summed up in the classic Berlin 
phrase: "Juden raus" (Out with the Jews)! That was why he 
urged the creation of a State. What was required was that 
sovereignty be granted to Jews over a portion of the globe 
adequate to satisfy the rightful needs of a nation: the rest 
they would manage for themselves. As for the territory, he, 
like Pinsker before him, did not commit himself to a partic- 
ular one, but suggested two alternatives— Argentina or 
Palestine. The advantage of the former was that it was one 


of the most fertile countries in the world, extending over a 
vast area, with a sparse population and a mild climate. On 
the other hand, "Palestine is our unforgettable historic 
home. The very name of Palestine would exercise a powerful 
attraction for our people." The holy places of Christendom 
would be safeguarded by being assigned an extra-territorial 
status. Herzl had not to wait long before he realized that no 
country but Palestine would appeal to his people. 

The greater part of the pamphlet is occupied by detailed 
proposals concerning the establishment of the State. Two 
main agencies are suggested: "The Society of Jews" and 
"The Jewish Company." It is significant that Herzl, writing 
in German on French territory, should have adopted these 
two English terms: it indicated that, from the very begin- 
ning, he regarded England as the power that would play the 
most important part in Zionist policy. The Society would 
have its center in London and undertake all the preparatory 
work of organization and political negotiation. It would 
consist of distinguished personalities, who would speak with 
authority on behalf of the Jews in their dealings with govern- 
ments, and who would thus represent the future Jewish State. 
Its technical tasks would consist of the investigation of the 
land and planning developments, while its political function 
would be primarily to acquire sovereign rights in the form of 
a charter over the land chosen. Without the basis of such 
sovereignty, there should be no immigration or colonization, 
as the local government could prohibit them at any time. 
The best form of constitution would be an "aristocratic 
republic," free from any element of theocracy, and the 
national flag should show seven golden stars on a white 
ground— the stars to represent the seven golden hours of the 
day and the white ground to symbolize the new life of 


As for the language, Herzl, who was ignorant at the time 
of the revival of Hebrew as a living tongue that had taken 
place, questioned whether any Jew "has a sufficient knowl- 
edge of Hebrew to ask for a railway ticket in that language," 
and thought that the medium of speech that proved itself to 
be of the greatest utility would be adopted as the national 
tongue. But three months later, Michael Berkowicz, the au- 
thorized translator of the Judenstaat into Hebrew, stated that 
he had been requested by Herzl to inform the Hebrew-read- 
ing public that since the publication of his brochure he had 
come to the definite conclusion that the Jewish State could 
be established only in Palestine and that the national lan- 
guage could be only Hebrew.'* 

The Jewish Company, which would also have its prin- 
cipal center in London, would attend to all the manifold 
economic and financial aspects of the scheme. It should 
be established as a limited company, according to English 
law and under the protection of England, and have a 
nominal capital of about fifty million pounds. This might 
seem "an absurdly high figure," but the amount actually 
necessary would be fixed by financiers and, in any case, would 
be considerable. Herzl did not expect that the capital would 
be provided either by the big banks or by the medium ones, 
but hoped to- secure it by means of a national subscription. 
The Company would deal Avith the liquidation and transfer 
of immovable assets, the purchase of land, the construction 
of buildings and dwellings, the organizing of labor on the 
basis of a seven-hour day, relief by work, and the promotion 
of commerce and industry. The transmigration to the new 
State would be by local groups, headed by their ministers 

■i Hamaggid I'Israel, No. 23, June 11, 1896. The statement was repeated in 
the Preface of the Hebrew edition, published in Warsaw, September, 1896. 
See Oskar K. Rabinowicz, Fi^ty Years of Zionism, p. 10. 


or Rabbis, who would previously address their communities 
in their synagogues; and those who wished to make their 
own travel arrangements could do so. 

Herzl concluded by admitting that he had left much 
unexplained, and that there were many defects, superfici- 
alities, and repetitions in his pamphlet, which he had "thought 
over so long and so often revised." But he urged that those 
who had sufficient understanding to grasp the spirit of his 
words should not be deterred by the defects but cooperate 
with their intelligence and energy in an enterprise that is 
not one man's task alone, and thus improve it. "A wondrous 
generation of Jews will spring into existence. The Macca- 
baeans will rise again. . . . The Jews who wish will have their 


First Political Moves 

THE PUBLICATION OF Der Judenstdat caused a stir in both 
the Jewish and the non-Jewish worlds, but it impressed 
different people in different ways. The first reactions of 
which Herzl became aware were those of his journalistic 
colleagues and friends. He had hitherto been familiar to 
most of them as a writer of light comedies about love and 
of entertaining and witty feuilletons; he was popular in 
literary and dramatic circles; and in whatever society he 
appeared, his tall, handsome figure, with his long, square- 
cut black beard, lofty brow, and dreamy eyes, immediately 
attracted notice, especially of the women. How was it pos- 
sible that such a man should be the author of a serious 
political brochure, offering a solution of the Jewish problem, 
especially as, so far as most people were aware, he had never 
belonged to any Jewish society nor concerned himself with 
Jewish affairs? Many of his colleagues on the Neue Freie 
Presse and of his fellow members in the Concordia Club, 
as well as others, poked fun at him. They asked him whether 
the pamphlet was to be taken seriously or was merely a joke. 
Many in the upper social and intellectual circles of Vienna 
Jewry were indignant that Herzl had called attention to the 
Jewish question and reproached him with having made their 
position more uncomfortable. Why, they complained, had 
he undertaken such a thing, when he did not need it? 
Others even thought that he had gone mad, and one of them 
leeringly suggested that the pamphlet should be bound "as 



it was usual for lunatics to be bound." Herzl bore all this 
ridicule and hostility with the stoicism of a prophet. "Who- 
ever is to prove right in thirty years," he wrote in his 
Diary, "must in the first fourteen days be considered mad." 
Nor was he free from slander. A story had got into circula- 
tion that he had published his pamphlet as an act of revenge 
against Baron de Hirsch because he had applied to him for 
the appointment of Director General of the Jewish colonies 
in the Argentine and had been refused. Herzl reflected upon 
the irony of his altruistic efforts for the Jewish people being 
made the butt of mockery and calumny at a time when the 
anti-Semites in Vienna increased their majority in the mu- 
nicipal elections. 

The pamphlet was the subject of leading articles in scores 
of papers on the Continent. Many of them, both Jewish and 
general, and particularly those of the latter category under 
Jewish control, were likewise unsparing in censure. The 
Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung, with which Herzl had been 
connected for a time in his earlier years, wrote: "Zionism 
is a desperate delusion. Away with such chimeras!" The 
Munchner Allgemeine Zeitung ridiculed the brochure as 
a "founders' prospectus for a Jewish Switzerland." Professor 
Gomperz condemned it in the Vienna Zeit^ while admitting 
that he had not read it, and an even more slashing diatribe 
appeared in the Berlin Allgemeine Israelitische Wochen- 
schrift. On the other hand, a leading article in a serious 
vein was published in what was regarded as the semi-official 
organ of the German Government, the Norddeiitsche Allge- 
meine Zeitung of Hamburg, which aroused considerable 
attention in Vienna and probably even more in Berlin. 

But the one paper, above all others, in which Herzl was 
most anxious to see his pamphlet discussed, the Neue Freie 
Presse, maintained Sphinx-like silence. His editor, Bacher, 


had indeed promised only a few months before, when he 
feared that Herzl might start a rival paper, that he would 
have the pamphlet reviewed on publication, but he broke 
his word. Herzl was furious, but he refrained from upbraid- 
ing Bacher, as his livelihood depended upon his favor. Nor 
was any reference ever made in the paper to The Jewish 
State or to Herzl's Zionist activities as longr as he was alive, 
with two solitary exceptions. The first occasion was a few 
months after the pamphlet had appeared, when a correspon- 
dent of the Neue Freie Presse, Schiitz, contributed from 
Moscow a feuilleton describing a visit that he paid to Leo 
Tolstoi on his estate. Schiitz wrote that the novelist touched 
on the Jewish question and referred unfavorably to The 
Jewish State, but he made no mention of its author's name. 
The second occasion, only a week later, was when the paper 
printed the following news item from London: 

Gladstone on Anti-Semitism 
Mr. Gladstone has addressed the following letter to Sir Samuel 
Montagu, M.P., who forwarded him Dr. Theodor Herzl's pam- 
phlet, The Jewish State: 

"The subject of the pamphlet sent is highly interesting. It 
is not easy for an outsider to form a judgment on it, and it 
would probably contribute little to the question if one ex- 
pressed it after having formed it. But it surprises me to see 
how far the misery of the Jews extends. I am naturally 
strongly opposed to anti-Semitism." 

The English translation of the pamphlet had been made 
by Miss Sylvie d'Avigdor (daughter of Elim d'Avigdor, the 
first Commander of the Lovers of Zion Association in Eng- 
land), and Herzl paid the London publisher, David Nutt, 
nineteen pounds "and some shillings" for its publication. The 
interest shown by the English public was not impressive, as 


only one hundred and sixty copies were sold within the first 
few months. Herzl also sent three hundred francs to Nordau 
to pay for the French edition. 

Far more important, however, for practical purposes than 
the press comments upon Herzl's pamphlet was the reaction 
it caused among the societies of the Hovevei Zion ("Lovers of 
Zion") organization. These societies, formed for the specific 
purpose of establishing settlements in Palestine, first sprang 
into existence in Russia in consequence of the pogroms that 
broke out there in 1881 and which dispelled all hope of any 
improvement in the position of the Jews under Tsarist op- 
pression. Theirs were the first attempts to translate into 
reality the national ideal of the return to Zion, which had 
been enshrined in the Jewish prayer book for eighteen 
centuries, and which had prompted so many Rabbis, poets, 
and other pietists, to wander forth to the Holy Land to 
spend their declining years in religious study and to die 
there. There had, indeed, been a succession of advocates of 
the Jewish return, both Jews and non-Jews, from the middle 
of the seventeenth century, including the Christian mille- 
narians in England in the days of Cromwell and, a hundred 
and fifty years later. Napoleon Bonaparte himself. In Eng- 
land, in particular, the idea of the restoration had found 
frequent championship from the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century in the most varied circles— theological, liter- 
ary, and political. It was the dominant theme in Disraeli's 
romances, David Alroy and Tancred, and in George Eliot's 
famous novel, Daniel Deronda. Arnon^ the distinguished 
personalities who showed a keen and practical interest in the 
settlement of Jews in Palestine were the great humanitarian, 
Sir Moses Montefiore (1784-1885), who visited the country 
seven times between 1827 and 1874, and the Earl of Shaftes- 
bury, who, in 1840, influenced the Foreign Secretary, Lord 


Palmerston, to such a degree that he issued instructions to 
the British Consul in Jerusalem to accord official protection 
to the Jews in Palestine. Another notable Englishman, 
Laurence Oliphant (1829-1888), projected a Jewish settle- 
ment in Transjordan, but failed to obtain the Sultan's con- 

In France, too, there had been advocates of a Jewish State 
in Palestine: first, Ernest Laharanne, the private secretary of 
Napoleon III, and, secondly, the historian Joseph Salvador, 
who published a work entitled Paris, Rome and Jerusalem 
in 1860. Two years later, there appeared in Cologne a far 
more important book, Rome and Jerusalem, by Moses Hess, 
who was at one time a fellow worker of Karl Marx and who 
afterward lived and wrote for many years in Paris. Written 
twenty years after he had been estranged from his people, 
this work was the first critical exposition of the bases of 
Jewish nationalism, in which the restoration of the Jewish 
State was declared to be a necessity for both the Jewish 
people and humanity alike. The idea also found two notable 
champions in the United States— Mordecai Manuel Noah 
(1798-1851), who had been in the consular service and who, 
in 1844, urged that it was the duty of Christians to help the 
JeAvs to regain their land; and the poetess, Emma Lazarus 
(1849-1887), who gave expression to the national yearning in 
a succession of poems, and whose name is immortalized by 
her noble words of welcome on the Statue of Liberty in 
New York harbor. 

Independently of all these pleadings and projects in the 
Western world, the idea of the Jewish resettlement in the 
ancestral land was advocated in Central and Eastern Europe 
by a number of writers and scholars. Rabbis and laymen. 


with even greater ardor and energy, for they were impelled 
by stronger motives: religious conviction, national conscious- 
ness, and personal experience of the intolerance which their 
people suffered. To them, the question of restoration meant 
not only the realization of eighteen hundred years of prayer 
but the recovery of a land in which they could live in peace 
and security. The first of these protagonists was an orthodox 
Rabbi, Zevi Hirsch Kalischer (1795-1874), who expounded 
his views in a Hebrew work, Drishath Zion ("The Quest of 
Zion"), and who induced the French Alliance Israelite to 
establish, in 1870, the first Jewish agricultural school in 
Palestine, called Mikveh Israel ("The Hope of Israel"). 
Among those who supplemented his efforts in the following 
years were some eminent Hebrew writers, particularly the 
novelist Perez Smolenskin (1842-1885), the pamphleteer 
Moses Lilienblum (1843-1910), who wrote a brochure on 
"The Rebirth of the Jewish People in the Land of Its 
Ancestors," and the journalist Eliezer Ben-Yehudah (1857- 
1922), who settled in Palestine in 1881 as the pioneer in the 
use of Hebrew as a living tongue. 

None of these, however, exercised so decisive an influence 
as Dr. Leo Pinsker, whose thoughtful and stirring pamphlet, 
Auto-Emancipation, acted like a clarion call and stimulated 
the formation in Russia of numerous societies of Hovevei 
Zion. Similar groups sprang up in the early eighties in 
Rumania, Austria, and Germany, and the movement soon 
spread to Switzerland, France, England, and the United 
States. In Austria, the first Jewish nationalist society, called 
Kadimah (which means both "Eastward" and "Forward"), 
was formed by a number of students in Vienna, in 1882, 
at the time when Herzl felt morally obliged to resign from 
the Albia; and among its founders were Smolenskin, Nathan 
Birnbaum (who first coined the word "Zionism"), Ruben 


Bierer,^ Oser Kokesch,^ and Moritz Schnirer.' Another so- 
ciety, called Admath Yeshurun, for the futherance of col- 
onization, was also established, and later a federation 
comprising all societies in Austria with a cognate purpose 
was organized. 

The first agricultural settlement in Palestine, Rishon-le- 
Zion ("First in Zion"), was founded in 1882 by young pio- 
neers from Russia, and was soon followed by other 
settlements created by Jews from that country, as well as 
from Rumania and Poland. But these pioneers were faced 
by tremendous difficulties, owing to their inexperience, 
strangeness to the climate, lack of housing and drinking 
water, the hostility of the Bedouin, and, above all, the want 
of funds. Fortunately, there came to their assistance Baron 
Edmond de Rothschild (1845-1934), of Paris, who provided 
them with s^enerous subsidies, founded "colonies" of his 
own, and continued a princely benefactor to Jewish resettle- 
ment in Palestine throughout his life. The leaders of the 
Hovevei Zion societies, however, did not wish to let these 
practical developments in Palestine depend upon philan- 
thropy, and therefore decided to combine their forces so as 
to render adequate aid themselves. They therefore convened 
a conference of delegates at Kattowitz in November, 1884, 
at which an association was formed of all the societies, with 
Pinsker as the first president and with the central office in 
Odessa. Several more settlements came into existence during 
the ensuing decade, bringing the total up to eighteen by 
the year 1895; but as the aggregate income of the Associa- 
tion from all countries was not more than about six thousand 

1 Born about 1845 in Lemberg, devoted himself to the Zionist cause in 
Galicia and Bulgaria as well as in Vienna. 

2 Born 1855 in Galicia, died 1905 in Vienna. 

3 Born 1861 in Bucharest, retired from public Zionist activity after Herzl's 


pounds a year, as against Baron de Rothschild's millions of 
francs, the prospects were indeed depressing. 

Of all this long and romantic history of the efforts to 
promote the restoration of his people to their ancestral land, 
of the authors of different projects and their fate, of the 
struggles and sacrifices that had been endured, Herzl knew 
virtually nothing at the time he wrote his epoch-making 
pamphlet. All that he knew was that there were "Zionist 
societies" and "Zionist attempts," to which he actually re- 
ferred in his pamphlet. He was soon to learn much more as 
he came into contact with the leaders of the philo-Zionist 
societies who welcomed his scheme, and later into conflict 
with other leaders who opposed it. The first to rally to his 
support were the Jewish nationalist students in Austria. The 
initiative was taken by the Kadimah, which collected thou- 
sands of signatures from the students at the universities in 
Vienna, Czernowitz and Graz to an address expressing "the 
thanks of the nation" to Herzl and promising "devoted 
service to the sacred cause of the Jewish people." So keen 
was the enthusiasm of some members of the Kadimah that 
they declared they were willing to organize a corps of a 
thousand volunteers to attempt a landing at Jaffa, and that, 
even if some lost their lives, the attention of Europe would 
be directed to this attempt to recover the land of Israel. 
Herzl commended their zeal, but warned them asfainst such 
a foolhardy attempt. 

Messages of congiatulation and support reached him from 
various countries, from both societies and individuals. One 
of the earliest was a Qrlowinsr letter from Max Nordau, laud- 
ing the pamphlet as "a great deed" and "a revelation." From 
the Zion society in Sofia came a resolution with six hundred 
signatures, headed by that of the Chief Rabbi, acclaiming 
Herzl as leader. The distinguished Hebrew scholar, Ahron 


Marcus (1843-1916), of Podgorze, promised that he would 
secure him the adherence of three million Chassidim.* A 
letter from Semlin, the native city of his father, informed 
him that the entire Jewish community was ready to leave 
for Palestine at the given signal. But what pleased him far 
more and filled him with pride was a florid address of hom- 
age from a group of leading Jews ^ in Palestine itself, ex- 
pressing gratitude, veneration, and devotion to the man 
"whose name would shine in golden letters for all time" for 
giving new life to the ancient belief in the rebirth of the 
Jewish State. He also received invitations to address meetings 
of Jewish societies in Vienna, Berlin, and elsewhere, but he 
declined them for the time being. 

The Jewish State evoked a response not only from Jews 
but also from some Christians, both anti-Semites and philo- 
Semites, who either wrote or came to see him. His most 
remarkable visitor was a graybearded English Christian 
clergyman, who was destined to play an active part in his 
political endeavors. He was the Chaplain to the British 
Embassy in Vienna, the Rev. William Hechler. A profound 
believer in the Biblical prophecies regarding the restoration 
of Israel, he acclaimed Herzl very effusively as the man 
appointed to fulfill them. He had calculated according to a 
prophecy from the time of Omar (637-638), that Palestine 
would be restored to the Jews after forty-two "prophetic 

4 "Pietists"— the Hebrew name of an orthodox sect founded in the 18th 
century, which emphasized the emotional element in prayer as more im- 
portant for a religious life than the study of the Talmud. 

5 Including E. Ben-Yehudah and David Vellin, a leading Hebrew peda- 
gogue in Palestine, who later became lecturer on Hebrew poetry at the 
Hebrew University. 


moons," or 1,260 years, which would point to the year 1897- 
1898. He had formerly been a tutor in the home of the 
Grand Duke Frederick of Baden and knew the German 
Emperor, William II, and he believed that he could procure 
Herzl an audience with them, A few days later, on March 
15, 1896, Herzl returned the Chaplain's visit, and as he 
mounted up the stairs to his new friend's fourth-floor flat, 
he heard the sounds of an orran coming^ from it. He entered 
a room whose walls were lined with Bibles all round, up to 
the ceiling. Hechler showed him his comparative history 
table, as well as a map of Palestine in four sections, which 
was so large that it had to be spread out over the floor; and 
he displayed a big pocket inside his long coat in which he 
intended taking the map to Palestine. Herzl looked upon 
him as a naive enthusiast, but nevertheless found something 
attractive in him when he sans^ a Zionist sons^ of his own 
composition, with organ accompaniment. Herzl told his 
clerical admirer that he would like to be brought into touch 
with an important official personage— a minister or prince, 
or, best of all, with the German Emperor, so that the Jewish 
public should have confidence in him. Hechler immediately 
promised to assist him. 

A month later, on April 13, Hechler came to Herzl in 
great excitement to inform him that the German Emperor, 
who was then in Vienna, was leaving shortly for Karlsruhe to 
visit his uncle, the Grand Duke of Baden. He proposed that 
they should at once go there together, so that Herzl could 
be presented to the Kaiser; but Herzl thought it prudent 
that Hechler should go on first and wire him when to come. 
Hechler went, but by the time he had a few talks with the 
Grand Duke and obtained his assent to receive Herzl, the 
Kaiser had already left. Before setting out on the journey 
himself, Herzl, on April 21, wrote a letter to Nordau, asking 


him to find out whether Baron de Hirsch would be willing 
to give a few million francs for the cause, as that would create 
a great sensation. Later on the same day, he heard that the 
Baron had just died on his estate in Hungary. He re- 
proached himself for not having sent him a copy of his 
pamphlet sooner, as he had to many others, and commented 
in his Diary: "His death is a loss for the Jewish cause. Of 
the rich Jews he was the only one who wanted to do some- 
thing big for the poor. Perhaps I didn't know how to handle 
him properly." It seemed to him a peculiar coincidence that 
on the day when Hirsch died he was "entering into rela- 
tions with Princes." 

Herzl was agieeably impressed by the idyllic beauty of 
Karlsruhe and the calm, chaste dignity of the palace where 
he was to have his first political audience, while the blue 
sky and the warmth of the spring day inspired him with 
high hopes. Hechler had met him, related all that happened 
since his arrival, and indulged in pleasant reminiscences of 
his previous sojourn in the city. 

Herzl was given a friendly and patient hearing by the 
seventy-year-old Grand Duke, which lasted two hours and a 
half. The latter had been suitably prepared by Hechler, 
who, in one of his talks, had reduced him to tears on re- 
ferring to his dead son. Prince Ludwig, and then consoled 
him by reading to him a Psalm about the restoration of Zion. 
The Grand Duke was one of the more liberal-minded 
princes of Germany in the closing decade of the nineteenth 
century, and had had a Jew as his Finance Minister for 
twenty-five years. After Herzl had expounded the reasons for 
and the details of his plan, the Grand Duke replied that, 
while sympathizing with it, if he gave it his support it would 
be interpreted to mean that he wished to get rid of his Je^vs, 
which was quite contrary to the case. Herzl then made it 


clear that he would like the Grand Duke to obtain for him 
an audience with the Kaiser and also to recommend him to 
the Grand Duke of Hesse, the father-in-law of the Tsar of 
Russia, so that the latter migjht likewise be interested. 
Hechler, who was present throughout the audience, which 
took place in a rococo salon with armchairs covered with red 
silk, and who occasionally interpolated a helpful remark, 
reminded the Grand Duke that he was the first among the 
German princes at Versailles who had proclaimed King 
William of Prussia as the Kaiser. "If you would only now 
take part in the second great founding of a State of this 
century!" he said with emotion. When Herzl observed that 
he would make better progress with the Jews after he had 
secured the support of a few princes, the Grand Duke re- 
plied that he should first form his "Society of Jews," and 
then an attempt might by made in Hesse to give The Jeivish 
State to the Tsar to read. He was completely Avon over and 
said sincerely in conclusion: "I should like it to come to 
pass. I believe it will be a blessing for many people." 

Herzl was thoroughly satisfied with the interview and 
paid Hechler's traveling expenses quite cheerfully. No sooner 
did he return to Vienna than his mind was directed toward 
Constantinople. He no longer had any doubt that Palestine, 
and Palestine only, would appeal to the Jewish people as 
the land in which they should be re-established as a nation, 
and he was therefore anxious to lose no time in submitting 
his idea to the Sultan. He first discussed the matter on May 
3 with Dionys Rosenfeld, the publisher of the Osmanische 
Post in Constantinople, who offered to secure him the sup- 
port of Izzet Bey, the First Secretary of the Sultan and a 
favorite of his. He told him that, in return for the grant of 
Palestine as an independent country, he would undertake 
to restore the treasury of the Turkish Government, which 


was in a state of chronic insolvency, to a thoroughly sound 
condition. Rosenfeld thought that he could get Herzl an 
audience with the Sultan by the end of the month, but the 
plan failed to materialize. 

More effective help was provided by a Christian Pole, 
Count Philip Michael Newlinsky (1847-1899), who was first 
brought to Herzl's notice by a fellow journalist, Dr. Saul 
Rafael Landau (1870-1943). Newlinsky, who was born in 
Volhynia, could boast of descent from a line of Polish noble- 
men, but had been impoverished through the confiscation of 
the family estates, owing to their participation in a rising 
against the Russian Government. He had obtained a post 
in the Austrian Foreign Ministry, and afterward in the 
Austro-Hungarian Embassy in Constantinople, where he had 
good prospects of advancement. But as he fell into debt, he 
was compelled to resign; whereupon he became a journalist 
and a diplomat-at-large. His professional designation now 
was editor of the Correspondance de I'Est, the imposing 
title of an unimportant paper. Herzl found him not only 
intelliorent, well informed, charmino^ in manner, and a 
connoisseur, of art, but also possessed of a knowledge of the 
ways and wiles of the diplomatic world and acquainted with 
the most influential personalities in the Ottoman capital. 
He resolved to engage his services to secure an audience with 
the Sultan, but Newlinsky was restrained by doubts and 
preoccupations that had first to be disposed of: he had heard 
Herzl's pamphlet derided in journalistic circles as Utopian, 
and, besides, the Government in Constantinople was now 
worried about trouble in Crete. He also said that he had 
already spoken to the Sultan, who declared that he could 


never give up Jerusalem, and that the Mosque of Omar 
must always be in the hands of Islam. He then pleaded a 
prior mission: he had to go to Brussels and London to see 
some Armenian agents, to induce them to effect an armistice 
in the Armenian revolt against the Sultan, in return for 
some promised reforms, and he asked Herzl to get him 
Jewish support in the press. Thereupon Herzl requested 
Hechler to inform Sir Edmund Monson, the British Am- 
bassador, of Newlinsky's visit to London, so that the news 
might be transmitted immediately to the Foreign Secretary, 
Lord Salisbury, who wanted peace in Armenia. 

While awaiting Newlinsky's return, Herzl put out feelers 
in different directions— to obtain funds and to strengthen 
his political position. He had a reply from Nordau, who 
had gone on his behalf, together with the Chief Rabbi, 
Zadok Kahn, to Baron Edmond de Rothschild. The inter- 
view had lasted sixty-three minutes, during which the Baron 
spoke for fifty-three. He refused to help, as he did not be- 
lieve that anything could be achieved through the Sultan, 
and he thought that what Herzl was doing was dangerous, 
as it was exposing the patriotism of Jews to suspicion and 
the colonies in Palestine to the risk of suppression. While 
Herzl was reading this depressing message, there came a 
telegraphic dispatch from Paris that there were crowds in 
front of the Rothschild Bank, shouting "A bos les Juifs!" 

Realizing the importance of the question of the Holy 
Places in Palestine, Herzl called on the Papal Nuncio, 
Agliardi, to whom he explained that he wanted not only the 
assent of the Powers but also, and especially, that of the 
Pope. He assured him that Jerusalem would be extra-ter- 
ritorialized. The Nuncio replied that, however many Jews 
went to Palestine, there would still be numbers of them left in 
Austria, Italy, and other countries, and anti-Semitism would 


continue as before. In short, he did not believe that Herzl's 
plan would bring about the solution of the Jewish question. 
Herzl was also anxious about the formation of the "Society 
of Jews," and wrote to the Rev. Simeon Singer, in London, 
to persuade Sir Samuel Montagu to join it. Other members 
whom he suggested for the Society were Colonel Goldsmid, 
Nordau, and Singer himself. 

When Newlinsky returned to Vienna, disappointed at the 
negative outcome of his mission, Herzl resumed his efforts 
to induce him to accompany him to Constantinople, He first 
spoke in general terms: the Jews would give the Sultan 
sufficient money to put his finances in order and would also 
influence the public opinion of the whole world in his 
favor. Then he became more specific: he would give the 
Sultan twenty million pounds, of which two million pounds 
would be for Palestine, and eighteen million pounds to 
release Turkey from the European Control Commission. 
It was a bold offer, considering that Herzl had not yet 
secured the backing of a single Jewish financier. As New- 
linsky still hesitated, Herzl said that, if necessary, he would 
go alone; but if Newlinsky went with him and helped, he 
would profit. At last the roving diplomat agreed. Herzl 
defrayed his traveling expenses to Constantinople and back, 
and also paid seventy gulden (about fifteen dollars) for an 
imposing basket of luscious fruits, which Newlinsky said 
he needed for members of the Turkish Court. 

Herzl set out alone from Vienna on June 15, having ar- 
ranged with Newlinsky to join him in the train at Budapest. 
Soon afterward, Newlinsky introduced Herzl to three Turk- 
ish pashas, who were returning to Constantinople— Ziad, 
head of the Ottoman Mission to the Tsar's recent corona- 
tion, Karatheodory, and the Minister at Belgrade, Tewfik 
Pasha. The most important of the trio was Ziad, who was 


also the smallest, but with his spruce beard and thick black 
hair he presented an air of dignity despite his diminutive- 
ness. It was to him alone that Herzl expounded the details 
of his scheme, and he received his first cold douche when 
Ziad said: "Don't ask for Palestine, as it is against our 
principles to dispose of territory." 

When the train stopped at Sofia, Herzl was greeted on 
the platform by an enormous crowd of Jews, men and 
women, old and young, comprising the most varied types, 
including a graybeard with a fur hat who looked like Herzl's 
grandfather, Simon Herzl. A bouquet was presented to Herzl, 
speeches were delivered in French and German in the most 
laudatory phraseology, and he was proclaimed as leader and 
"the heart of Israel." Then, as the train was about to leave, 
one of the leaders of the community, despite Herzl's re- 
sistance, kissed his hand, and all exclaimed in Hebrew: 
"Next year in Jerusalem!" The other passengers looked on 
in astonishment. 

They reached Constantinople on June 18, and found the 
city in dazzling sunshine, presenting a colorful scene despite 
the rampant poverty and decaying buildings. From his hotel 
window, Herzl's eyes feasted on a panorama of mosques and 
minarets and a glorious view of the Golden Horn. But the 
beauty of the scenery afforded little consolation when, at the 
end of the first day, Newlinsky reported that Izzet Bey, 
the First Secretary of the Sultan, was opposed to the plan. At 
the opera on the following day, Herzl met Djervad Bey, a 
son of the Grand Vizier, who advised him not to ask for 
Jerusalem, as this must remain under Turkish control, and 
that he should not mention the words "aristocratic republic." 
He next had a talk with the Russian dragoman, Jakowlew, 


as Russia was reported to be the Power with the greatest 
influence at the Porte, and explained his plan to him. Jakow- 
lew thought that it would take many centuries and wished 
him health and strength to carry it out. 

After these exploratory talks, Herzl visited Khair Eddin 
Bey, the general secretary of the Grand Vizier, who took 
him to the Grand Vizier himself, Khalil Rifat Pasha. Herzl 
told the Grand Vizier that the amount he would give for 
Palestine depended upon the extent of the territory, and 
that he would reveal the details only to His Sublime Majesty, 
but that, in any case, it would suffice to release Turkey from 
the Debt Control Commission. The Grand Vizier lost no 
time in expressing his opposition to the scheme. 

Herzl was resolved to persevere. He went to the Foreign 
Office, where he saw a high official (designated in his Diary 

as N Bey), whom he found to be favorable. He then had 

a talk with the first dras^oman of the Foreim Minister, 
Daout Effendi, who was influential and in favor of the plan, 
but, as he was a Jew, discretion required him to keep silent. 
Meanwhile, Newlinsky, who had been received at Yildiz 
Kiosk, had ascertained exactly what were the views of the 
Sultan and came back with a doleful report. The "great 
man" would not hear of the plan. He was against giving up 
even a square foot of Palestine, as the Turkish Empire did 
not belong to him but to the Turkish people. "Let the Jews 
save up their milliards," he said. "If my Empire is parti- 
tioned, they will perhaps get Palestine for nothing." Al- 
though Herzl's hopes were shattered, he confided to his 
Diary ^ that he was "touched and moved by the Sultan's 
really noble words," but when he had his first glimpse of 
Abdul Hamid, as he was driven on Friday with a cavalcade 
of high officials and military officers, all in resplendent uni- 

6 Vol. I, p. 435. 


forms, to the white Yildiz Mosque in the midday sunshine, 
with the blue Bosporus in the background, and military 
music alternating with the strident call of the muezzin from 
the minaret, his impression of the potentate was anything 
but edifying. "He is a shriveled, sickly man," he wrote, 
"with a big hooked nose and a middling full beard that 
looks dyed brown." 

In another talk that he had with Izzet Bey, Herzl gathered 
that if he secured some other territory and offered it in 
exchange for Palestine, the offer might perhaps be con- 
sidered. From Newlinsky, who was apparently tireless in his 
efforts to probe the Sultan, he learned that the improvident 
monarch would be willing to receive him, but only after 
he had rendered him some substantial service. This was to 
consist in influencing the European press— in London and 
Paris, Berlin and Vienna— to comment upon the Armenian 
question in a pro-Turkish spirit and to persuade the Ar- 
menian leaders to submit to him in return for all possible 
concessions. The Sultan's reason for not seeing him now was 
that the plan for a Jewish State had not remained a secret, 
but had been mentioned to him by various high ministers. 
Before he granted Herzl an audience, however, he would 
like him to consider whether the Jews would not be willing 
to accept some other country. 

As a consolation for Herzl's political disappointment, the 
Sultan gave permission for his adjutant to conduct him 
through his palace on the Bosporus, Dolma Bagdsche and 
Beglerbeg, and to show him the imperial treasures at Eski 
Serai. What seems to have impressed him most was the bath- 
ing salon of Beglerbeg— "a sultry Oriental dream." And when 
he returned to his hotel from this conducted tour, Newlinsky 
handed him a token of the Sultan's goodwill— a case con- 
taining the Commander's Cross of the Order of the Medji- 


dije. There was one other compensation that he obtained— 
a special interview with the Grand Vizier for the Neue Freie 
Presse, a peace offering to atone for his two weeks' absence 
from the office. 

Herzl and his companion left Constantinople on June 
28. When the train reached Sofia, he was again welcomed 
by a large Jewish delegation, which took him first to the 
meeting-place of the Zionist society and then to the syna- 
gogue, where hundreds of people were eagerly awaiting him. 
He mounted the steps to the Ark of the Law, and, as he had 
to turn his back to it in order to address the congregation, 
he hesitated for a moment, when somebody called out: "You 
can stand with your back to the Ark. You are holier than 
the Torah." Herzl spoke in German and French and his 
words were translated into Bulgarian and Spaniolish.'^ In 
the eveningr, he dined with the Minister Natchevitch, to 
whom he mentioned that the Jews complained that the 
authorities intended expropriating the land on which their 
synagogue had stood for five hundred years. Natchevitch 
promised that he would settle the matter favorably. 

During the last day of their journey, Newlinsky suggested 
to Herzl that the Sultan should offer Palestine to the Jews 
as a principality, with its own laws under his suzerainty, and, 
in return, the Jews should pay him a tribute of one million 
pounds a year, which could be immediately mortgaged for 
a loan to be arranged by the Zionist authority. Herzl thought 
this idea excellent and decided to propose it in London. 
He was pleased with another suggestion of Newlinsky— to get 
Bismarck interested in the Jewish problem through his 
friend, Sidney Whitman, the English journalist. Newlinsky 

7 A development of the medieval Castilian tongue, taken by the Jews 
exiled from Spain in 1492 to the Balkan and other countries in the Near 
East. It is also called Ladino. 


would invite Whitman to come from London to Carlsbad 
for a talk about Herzl's plan, whereupon Whitman would 
go to Friedrichsruh to win Bismarck over to the idea; and 
then Bismarck would address a letter to the Sultan, who 
would receive Herzl and issue a call to the Jews, which 
Herzl would broadcast to the entire world— "and the whole 
thing would be done." So elated was Herzl by the idea that 
when they reached Vienna, he promised Newlinsky his ever- 
lasting friendship, and in his Diary,^ on July 1, he noted: "If 
we get Palestine through him we shall present him as a 
reward with a fine estate in Galicia." 

His next scene of activity was London again, but before 
journeying there, he addressed himself once more to the 
Armenian problem and made a further effort to secure an 
audience with the Kaiser. In the home of his parents, he 
had a talk with an Armenian agent, Alawerdow, to whom 
he offered his services as a conciliator. He also asked him 
to inform the Armenians, in London and elsewhere, that 
he was a friend of theirs and to counsel them to exercise a 
pacifying influence. He then hastened to Karlsruhe, at the 
sugsfestion of Hechler, to see the Grand Duke of Baden, in 
order to obtain an audience with the Kaiser; but on his 
arrival there, he found that the Grand Duke had already 
gone to Freiburg and left a message that he should follow 
on. He decided, however, to ask Hechler to wire to the 
Grand Duke that he had a pressing engagement in London 
and would report to him on his return. 

He reached England on July 5, and spent ten busy, ex- 
citing days. His immediate aim was to form the Society of 

8 Vol. I, p. 465. 


Jews, which was to be the central pivot of his plan, and he 
therefore had a talk with the Rev. Simeon Singer, to revive 
his enthusiasm, and gave an interview to Lucien Wolf, the 
foreign editor of the Daily Graphic. He also had a discus- 
sion with Claude Montefiore and Frederic David Mocatta, 
two leading representatives of the Anglo-Jewish Association, 
^vho devoted much of their time and their wealth to philan- 
thropic causes but ^vho were fundamentally opposed to the 
idea of a Jewish nation. The formula that he submitted to 
them was as follows: "The Society of Jews aims at acquiring 
a territory by international law for those Jews who cannot 
become assimilated." The Society should consist of leading 
personalities and constitute a Societe d'Etudes. Montefiore 
said that Herzl demanded a revolution of all his previous 
ideas, and he echoed the views of Mocatta, too. After they 
had left, Herzl wrote letters to them both, to clarify his views. 
but without avail. Mocatta promptly replied that to him a 
Jewish State was unacceptable, impossible, and undesirable. 

On July 6, Herzl addressed the Maccabaeans again, after 
the usual Club dinner. He read his speech in English, in 
which he had been coached by Singer. He said that he had 
made many important alterations in his plan, owing to a 
recognition of practical necessities, but he now knew that the 
Jews wanted to have their State; and he concluded with the 
affirmation that the Jewish people could be helped only 
politically, not philanthropically. The meeting concluded 
with a speech by Lucien Wolf, who proposed the formation 
of a Study Commission. 

The following day, Herzl had a letter from Nordau, in- 
forming him that Chief Rabbi Zadok Kahn had told him of 
the complaint of Baron Edmond de Rothschild that, o^ving 
to the pamphlet The Jewish State, the Turkish authorities 
in Palestine had made things difficult for the new colonists 


and even destroyed the latest colony. Herzl wired to New- 
linsky to find out whether there was any ground for this 
complaint. He replied to Zadok Kahn that he was making 
inquiries in Constantinople and would report to him later, 
and again begged him to secure the Baron's support: he 
would offer him the Presidency of the Society of Jews and, 
later on, a higher title. 

He then went to see Sir Samuel Montagu, on July 8, at 
the House of Commons. He was impressed by its Gothic 
carvings and the hustle and bustle in the lobby, and he 
commented in his Diary that he understood how English 
Jews clung to a country in which they could enter the House 
of Parliament "as masters." Montagu took him into "a 
charminor little waiting room," where he related to him the 
sequence of incidents, from the interview with the Grand 
Duke to the visit to Constantinople. Montagu was impressed, 
but was afraid that the Sultan would "throttle" the Jewish 
immigrants after receiving the Jewish loan. Suddenly he was 
called away by the bell, to take part in a vote, whereupon 
Herzl quickly gave the financial question further thought. 
When Montagu returned, Herzl suggested that both the 
tribute of one million pounds a year, as well as the loan of 
twenty million pounds to be raised on it, should be paid in 
installments. In the first years, the amount should be one 
hundred thousand pounds, on which the loan should be 
two million pounds, and, gradually, with the growth of 
immigration, there should be an increase of the tribute, 
upon which further portions of the loan should be paid, 
until the entire amount had been handed over. There would 
then be so many Jews in Palestine, together with Jewish 
armed forces, that there would be no fear of any "throttling 
attempts" by the Turks. Montagu took Herzl to his home 
and confided to him on the way that the Hirsch Foundation 


(the Jewish Colonization Association) had a capital of at 
least ten million pounds. If they could win the Association 
over and obtain about five million pounds, the tribute for 
the first years of immigration would be secured. 

In the course of another talk a few days later, at which 
Colonel Goldsmid was also present, Montagu laid down 
three conditions for cooperating in the furtherance of Herzl's 
plan: the Great Powers must approve; the Hirsch Founda- 
tion must provide the requisite millions; and Baron Ed- 
mond de Rothschild must join the executive committee. 
Herzl assured them that he was quite willing to yield the 
leadership of the movement to the Baron. Meanwhile, he 
asked Goldsmid if he could get him an introduction from 
the Prince of Wales to the Tsar (for he had thought of the 
Prince of Wales as the Protector of the Jewish State as early 
as June, 1895^). He had a further discussion with Singer, 
Lucien Wolf, and Solomon J. Solomon, at which it was 
agreed to form a "watching committee," instead of the 
Society of Jews, which seemed to them a rather colorless 
designation, from among those members of the Maccabaeans 
who were in favor of the plan. But nothing practical resulted 
from this suggestion, and Herzl began to fear that his visit 
to London had been in vain. He now pinned his hopes 
upon a Jewish public meeting in the East End. 

On the day before this meeting, he went to see an Ar- 
menian revolutionary, Nazarbek, living in Shepherd's Bush, 
in order to do what he could to satisfy the Sultan's wish 
that the Armenians should cease from troubling. He was 
accompanied by a Russian Jewish journalist, Rapoport, rep- 
resentative of the Novosti, who acted as interpreter. Nazar- 
bek declared that he distrusted the Sultan and would like 
adequate guarantees before submitting; but although Herzl 

9 Tagebiicher, vol. I, p. 59. 


promised that the Sultan would stop the massacres and all 
further arrests as a mark of goodwill, he failed to reach a 
satisfactory understanding with the revolutionary. 

The most important outcome of Herzl's visit to London 
was the first public meeting that he addressed in England. 
It took place in the Jewish Working Men's Club (which has 
long since been converted to other purposes), in Great Alie 
Street, Aldgate, on a warm Sunday afternoon, July 12, 1896. 
I lived only a few dozen yards away and was able to get 
there early and secure a seat near the platform. It was the 
first time that I saw the man about whom so much had 
already been printed in the English press and who was 
destined to usher in a new ef>och in the history of his people, 
and, indeed, in the history of the world, too. 

The hall, which could hold only a few hundred, was 
packed to suffocation with a perspiring crowd, who had been 
attracted by the English and Yiddish posters, while thou- 
sands outside were unable to gain admittance. The great 
majority of the audience were natives of Russia, some of 
whom had come to England only recently and others some 
years previously, though all alike had vivid memories of the 
Tsarist persecutions from which they had fled. There was 
a hubbub of animated conversation, and all were keyed up 
to a high pitch of expectancy as they awaited the man who, 
they believed, would lead them back to the land of their 
forefathers. Their hopes were particularly fired by the al- 
luring announcement on the Yiddish posters that Herzl had 
already spoken to the Sultan of Turkey. There was therefore 
a storm of prolonged applause when they had their first 
glimpse of the tall, majestic figure as he emerged from some 
scenery on the platform, stepped forward to the table, and 
bowed his acknowledgments. 


An attempt had been made to induce Sir Samuel Montagu, 
Member of Parliament for the local Whitechapel constitu- 
ency as well as President of the Federation of many syna- 
gogues in the district, to take the chair, but he was unwilling 
to risk his reputation as an esteemed City banker in con- 
nection with a movement whose future then appeared 
wrapped in obscurity. An endeavor had likewise been made 
to get Colonel Goldsmid to preside, but he also refused, as 
he felt it would be incompatible with his position as a 
British military officer to identify himself publicly with what 
was intended to be an international political movement. 

The chair was therefore taken by the Rev. Dr. Moses 
Caster, Haham (Chief Rabbi) of the Sephardi community, 
who had been active in previous years mong the Hovevei 
Zion in Rumania, and who annoyed his lay leaders because 
of his advocacy of the Zionist idea. Herzl was at that time 
a young man of only thirty-six, but with his long, black, 
square-cut beard, his long, black frock coat, his dignified 
mien and imposing presence, he not only looked older but 
seemed to have come from a different world. He spoke 
calmly and deliberately in a pleasant and resonant voice, 
without any attempt at declamation or any desire to arouse 
passion. His speech was that of one convinced of the truth 
of his ideas and the practicability of his plan, and he 
addressed himself to the minds of his listeners, not to their 
hearts. As the language that he used was the elegant German 
of an author, it was doubtful whether many understood all 
that he said; but they certainly grasped his meaning and 
were manifestly under his spell. When he finished he was 
given a vociferous ovation. 

There were other speakers on the platform, but they did 
not form a hannonious chorus, for while Dr. Caster gave 


his eloquent support, some sought to damp the general 
enthusiasm by pleas for caution. The loudest applause was 
aroused by a local Hebrew Leacher, Ephraim Ish-Kishor, 
whose Yiddish speech, delivered with passionate fervor, swept 
the audience off their feet and evoked a flattering comment 
from Herzl himself. When I made my way into the street, 
I found the crowd still waiting patiently for another view 
of the man who was shaping Israel's destiny, and cheer upon 
cheer followed him until he was out of sight. 

Herzl was pleased with his first public meeting and 
thought that he could achieve another success in London 
by winning over the Hovevei Zion, who invited him the 
following day to a meeting of their executive committee 
in Bevis Marks. The result was quite the contrary. In the 
couse of the discussion, a veritable storm broke out, which 
made it clear that his views were unacceptable to the "Lovers 
of Zion." Although Colonel Goldsmid was present, the chair 
was occupied by Joseph Prag, one of the two Vice-Com- 
manders. They stated that they would support Herzl if he 
would not attack them again, but when he replied that he 
was in favor of colonization in Palestine only if it could be 
protected with its own Jewish army, and that he would 
continue to be against infiltration even if he were opposed 
by all the Hovevei Zion societies, the chairman rose and 
brought the meeting to an end. There were three men 
present, however, who pledged Herzl their devoted adher- 
ence: the teacher, Ish-Kishor, a printer, E. W. Rabbinowicz, 
and a young journalist, Jacob de Haas, who volunteered to 
act as his honorary secretary in London. They undertook 
to propagate the idea of a Jewish State and to organize the 
Jewish masses in the East End in its support. 


When Herzl left England on July 15, he felt satisfied on 
the whole with the results of his visit. He was content with 
the promised cooperation of Sir Samuel Montagu, even 
though it was conditional, and in his Diary, as he crossed 
the English Channel, he recorded the "peculiar emotions" 
that he felt when he was on the platform in the East End: 

I saw and listened how the legend about me arose. The people 
are sentimental: the masses don't see clearly. I believe that they 
no longer now have a clear conception of me. A faint mist is 
beginning to rise around me, which will perhaps become a 
cloud, in which I go forward. But even though they no longer 
see my features plainly, still they guess that my intentions re- 
garding them are very good and that I am the man of the poor 

On arriving in Paris, he occupied the room in the Hotel 
Castille in which he had written the first draft of his pam- 
phlet. He had further talks with Nordau and with Beer, the 
sculptor, as well as with two other men who were interested 
and sympathetic, Bernard Lazare and Emile Meyerson. La- 
zare, a native of France, had written a book on anti-Semitism 
and was to play a courageous and conspicuous part in ex- 
posing the wicked conspiracy of which Dreyfus was the 
victim, while Meyerson, a native of Poland, was at that time 
the manager of the press agency, Agence Havas, and after- 
ward became the director of the Jewish Colonization Associa- 
tion as well as the author of various works on science and 
philosophy. In his discussions in his room with these highly 
intellectual men, Herzl clearly had the feeling of the "gigan- 
tic progress of his idea." Meyerson undertook to arrange an 
interview with Baron Edmond de Rothschild, whom he was 


to inform that Herzl wanted to see all Zionist societies united 
with the Hirsch Foundation, under the leadership of the 
Baron, and that, if the latter accepted this program, he was 
willing to withdraw from the leadership. 

At last, on July 18, 1896, Herzl was admitted to the 
presence of the Baron in his bank, in the Rue Laffitte, and 
was able to deliver, although in abridged form, the "Speech 
to the Rothschilds," which he had composed a year before. 
The Baron, who was then just over fifty, had invited Nar- 
cisse Leven and Meyerson to be present. The interview, 
which lasted two hours, was marked by occasional sharp 
exchanges and a rise in temperature. After Herzl had un- 
folded his ideas and related all that he had done, the Baron 
said that he did not believe in the promises of the Turks, 
and that, even if he did, he would not support the plan. He 
thought it would be impossible to regulate the influx of the 
masses into Palestine. There would be one hundred and fifty 
thousand Schnorrers (beggars) to be fed, and he could not 
cope with that. As the interchange of views led to no con- 
clusion, Herzl at last picked up his umbrella from the floor, 
stood up, and said to the Baron: 

You were the keystone of the entire combination. If you re- 
fuse, then everything that I have so far built up falls to the 
ground. I shall then have to do it in a different way. I shall 
begin a big agitation which will make the masses still more 
difficult to keep in order. 1 wanted to hand over the leadership 
of the whole thing to you, the philanthropic Zionist, and to 
witlidraw. ... I have shown my goodwill and that I am no 
obstinate intransigeant. You don't want— I've done what I could. 

They both declared that they were enchanted to have 
made one another's acquaintance and parted. Herzl left 
disappointed. He told Nordau and Beer that his answer to 


the Baron's objections would be to organize the masses. 
Nordau agreed and also declared himself willing to join the 
Paris Committee as head of the movement in France. Before 
leaving the city, Herzl addressed a meeting of Russian Jew- 
ish students in a crowded hall in the Quartier des Gobelins, 
and called upon them to organize their ranks. 

Realizing now that he could not expect the help of Jewish 
financiers and leaders, and that his dream of a "Society of 
Je^vs," and even the idea of a "Study Commission," must be 
abandoned, he concluded that the only way was to make a 
direct appeal to the Jewish public. 


Travails of Organization 


but first went to Carlsbad to meet his diplomatic agent, 
Count Newlinsky. The latter informed him that Prince 
Ferdinand of Bulgaria (who became King in 1908) was tak- 
ing the waters at the spa and would receive him; that he had 
ascertained from the Turkish Ambassador in Vienna that the 
report about Jewish colonists in Palestine being ill-treated 
was devoid of truth; and that certain Jews were intriguing 
against Herzl at Yildiz Kiosk. Herzl immediately sent a 
telegram to Baron Edmond de Rothschild, denying the report 
about the colonists and complaining about the intrigues. 
He had reason to suspect that it was an agent of the Baron, 
named Scheid, who was malimino;^ him, and therefore added 
in the telegram: "If it was one of your overzealous em- 
ployees, your responsibility will be very seriously involved." 
Herzl's reception by the Prince of Bulgaria was quite in- 
formal. While they were both having breakfast in the garden- 
restaurant of a hotel, Herzl noticed that the Prince's secre- 
tary pointed him out. The Prince then rose to take a stroll 
along a tree-lined avenue, and Herzl followed until the 
Prince stopped to greet him. They both walked on together, 
while Newlinsky and the secretary kept at a discreet distance. 
The Prince told Herzl that he had been brought up by 
Jews and had known Baron de Hirsch in his youth. He 
thought that the project of a Jewish State was a magnificent 
idea, and it had his fullest sympathy. But, he asked, what 


could he do? Herzl suggested that the Prince inform the 
Tsar of Russia about his plan and, if possible, secure an 
audience for him. Prince Ferdinand replied that that was 
very difficult, as the question involved considerations of 
religion and that he was not persona grata with the Greek 
Orthodox Church. However, he promised his fullest sup- 
port, on the condition of secrecy, and asked for copies 
of The Jewish State in German, Russian, and English. This 
unconventional audience afforded Herzl only momentary 
satisfaction, for it led to no material result. 

Newlinsky also told Herzl that he had received a report 
from Sidney Whitman to the effect that Bismarck had al- 
ready been informed about the brochure and that he con- 
sidered it a "melancholy Schwdrmerei." Whitman had also 
spoken to Bismarck's son, Herbert, who promised that he 
would try to influence his father favorably. Herzl thereupon 
advised Newlinsky to write to Izzet Bey, the Sultan's First 
Secretary, and explain that the Jews who were intriguing 
against him were actuated by the fear that there would be 
an increase of anti-Semitism if a call were made to the Jews 
to emigrate to Palestine. 

The lack of success in influential circles of London Jewry, 
the opposition of the Hovevei Zion in England, the un- 
favorable attitude of Baron de Rothschild, and the disquiet- 
ing news from Constantinople, all contributed to inducing 
in Herzl a feeling of depression, which found reflection in 
the following entry in his Diary (July 24, 1896): 

Ever and again the thought recurs to me how ungrateful the 
Jews will be to me for the gigantic work that I am doing for 
them. If I were to drop the matter today it would certainly 
remain undone and would not come to pass for decades— and 
even then only by using my ideas. ^ 

1 Tagebiicher, vol. I, p. 503. 


It was in this mood of dejection that he wrote a long 
letter to Chief Rabbi Zadok Kahn, expressing regret that 
the latter was not in Paris when he had his interview with 
Baron de Rothschild, and appealing to him to use his ability 
and authority to win him over, as the cooperation of the 
London Jews and the Hirsch Fund (Jewish Colonization 
Association) depended upon his acceptance of the political 
scheme. As soon as an Executive Committee was formed, 
Herzl wrote, he was willing to retire completely; on the other 
hand, if the Baron refused, there would be a "cry of rage" 
throughout the world. He received a reply from Zadok 
Kahn, proposing that there should be a secret conference in 
Paris of representatives of all leading Jewish communities, 
"as no single individual had the right to launch a movement 
of such immeasurable importance." In return, Herzl wrote 
that he agreed in principle with this suggestion, if the con- 
ference were convened by the Chief Rabbi and if it would 
be of a practical character; his agreement would become 
definite as soon as he learned of the agenda and the list of 
persons who would attend. Nothing came of the idea, how- 
ever, as Zadok Kahn later informed him that he received 
only evasive replies from the persons whom he tried to 

Herzl was back again in Vienna at the beginning of Au- 
gust, 1896, and immediately plunged into a vortex of activity 
embracing matters political, financial, organizational, and 
those connected with publicity. He wrote countless letters, 
all with his own hand, for he had no secretary yet, and copied 
most of them in his Diary; and he had an endless succession 
of visitors, either at his home or in his room at the office 
of the Neiie Freie Presse, where, of course, he had to work 

'*'-\^¥h»^ PSS 

jWctfrV IhM^ 

A.. * 

Julie \(i.s< Ikiiic) us Uerzl's bride. 

Theodor Herzl's study. 

Conference for the founding of Die Welt in the Cafe Louvre, J'ienna 
(February, i8g~). 

Herzl with a Zionist deles;atio)i sailing to Palestine. 

Herzl ivith journalists at the SixtJi Zionist Congress, Basle (iqo^). The 
(iitthor (in light ivaistcoat), then twenty-jour years old, is standing just 
beJiind Herzl. 

TJie last pJtotoordpJi. 


IN EDLACM, N-0 . . 

SOdbkhnttallon Pverbach Rekhenau. • « 

totAcHN,., ediachcrhof, 1 J^— : t*-^ 

Fdcslniile of Herzl's last letter to 
Ills )n other. 

HerzVs to ml) in J'iciDia. 

Herzl's widmv. 


The coffin icith Herzl's remains ivas borne by Israeli Army and Navy 
officers into the courtyard of the Jeivish Agency in the presence of 
representatives of the State of Israel and, the Jewisli Agency: (from left 
to right) Rabbi Dr. Israel Goldstein, David Ben-Gurion, Berl Locker, 
Meir Civossman, Eliahii Dobkin, Mrs. Ben-Gurion, Rav Alitf Dori, 
and Dr. L. Lauterbach. 


daily as literary editor. Although his chief, Bacher, would 
not allow anything about Zionism to appear in the paper, 
he asked Herzl if he would write a feuilleton on Constan- 
tinople, whereupon Herzl tartly replied that his experiences 
in the Turkish capital had been of a historic, not of a 
feuilletonist, nature. Bacher retorted with a guffaw, where- 
upon the two men parted in a state of irritation. This un- 
pleasant incident was the forerunner of more disagreeable 
and disturbing conflicts between Herzl and his employers in 
the succeeding months. 

Newlinsky was diligent in his diplomatic efforts and fertile 
in ideas, but they did not seem to bear fruit. He told Herzl 
that, before leaving Carlsbad, he had discussed The Jewish 
State with King Milan of Serbia, who had obtained a copy 
in Paris and had learned from some politicians there that 
France would be opposed to the project. He suggested that 
a letter be written to Cardinal Rampolla, the Papal Secretary 
of State, to prepare an approach to the Pope, Leo XIII— a 
proposal to which Herzl readily assented. But of greater im- 
portance than the news about the King of Serbia or the 
suggestion in regard to the Cardinal was the request that 
Newlinsky received from Izzet Bey for specific proposals. 
Thereupon Herzl instructed Newlinsky to reply that his 
group would provide the Sultan with a loan of twenty million 
pounds, to be raised on an annual tribute payable by the 
autonomous Jewish community in Palestine, beginning with 
one hundred thousand pounds a year and rising to one 
million pounds a year. The Sultan should grant free im- 
migration into Palestine, which should increase in propor- 
tion to the increase of the tribute, and the Jews should enjoy 
internationally agreed autonomy in constitutional, adminis- 
trative, and legal matters in the territory assigned to them. 
Negotiations should take place in Constantinople, to define 


in what manner the Sultan's suzerainty over the Jews should 
be exercised, and order should be maintained by a defense 
force formed by the Jews themselves. The project should be 
inaugurated by an official invitation, previously communi- 
cated to the Powers, which should be issued to the Jews of 
the whole world to return to the land of their forefathers. 

Herzl drafted a letter to Sir Samuel Montagu, informing 
him of all these details and appealing to him to accompany 
him to Constantinople at the end of September; but when 
alarming news came from that city that Armenians had 
made a bomb attack upon the Ottoman Bank, he decided 
not to send the letter off. On the other hand, he received a 
letter from de Haas, informing him that there was a rumor 
in London that an English bank had provided him with 
two million pounds for the realization of his project. It was 
followed by other sensational and equally unfounded re- 
ports from other quarters. 

While reflecting what his next political step should be, 
Herzl was asked by his chief, early in September, whether 
he would like to go to Gorlitz, near Breslau, as special cor- 
respondent for the Neue Freie Presse, to write about the 
German military maneuvers. He readily agreed, as it was 
announced that the Kaiser would be there, and he asked 
Hechler to join him, in the hope that he would be helpful 
in securing the coveted audience. On arriving at the scene 
of the maneuvers, Herzl concentrated his attention upon 
the appearance and demeanor of the Emperor. He took 
particular note of his withered left arm, which was really 
like that of a child (never having grown with the rest of 
his body) and was carefully hidden by his military cloak. 
Herzl's reason for studying his mien and bearing was that 
he should not be embarrassed when he was at last admitted 
to the royal presence: he derived confidence from the 


thought of his Imperial Majesty as "a helpless man" beneath 
his martial trappings, and concluded that he would win him 
over if he only succeeded in being allowed to speak to him. 
His hopes were somewhat raised when Hechler told 
him that he was a friend of Duke Giinther von Schleswig- 
Holstein, who was also present. But after Hechler had a talk 
with the Duke and reported that he refused to pass on to 
the Kaiser a letter which he offered him, those hopes were 

On returning to Vienna, Herzl received a further com- 
munication from Zadok Kahn, conveying a renewed com- 
plaint from Baron de Rothschild's agent, Scheid, about some 
Jewish colonists having been expelled from a colony in 
Palestine. He replied that Scheid's reports were untrue and 
expressed himself as aggrieved because of the Baron's frigid 
attitude toward him. "I don't live from Zionism," he wrote, 
"but for it. I bring sacrifices of all kinds, which, in propor- 
tion to my means, are certainly not less than those of 
Rothschild." At the same time, Herzl received a note from 
a correspondent in Jerusalem, Wilhelm Gross, denying that 
his political efforts were proving harmful to the colonists 
in Palestine. Herzl wrote back and asked him to form a 
committee to make a thorough investigation of the position 
and to forward Herzl their report. 

Meanwhile, a change in the political situation in Vienna 
had taken place, in consequence of the reconciliation of 
the Prime Minister, Count Badeni, with the anti-Semitic 
Burgomaster Lueger. This reconciliation provoked a sharp 
attack from the Neue Freie Presse, whereupon Badeni again 
considered it urgently necessary to have a paper at his dis- 


posal to defend his policy. He again thought of Herzl as 
the only man suitable to be its editor, and sent his confidant, 
Dr. Kozmian, to find out what Herzl would want for his 
support. Herzl replied: "No money, only help from the 
Austrian Government for my Zionist policy." Kozmian told 
him that Badeni would be glad to receive him at any time, 
and left him to think the matter over. For some months 
past, Herzl had been discussing the question of founding a 
new paper with his friend, Dessauer, the director of a bank, 
who told him that his bank would be willing to participate 
in such a venture financially. But in the end, Dessauer 
backed out, leaving Herzl embarrassed. He then thought of 
starting a new paper himself, half of the capital to be pro- 
vided by himself and some relatives; but he did not wish to 
see Badeni until the whole of the requisite capital was 

While this project was hanging fire, Herzl had further 
unpleasant exchanges with his chiefs. Early in October, he 
asked Benedikt if he were now more favorably disposed to 
Zionism in view of the increasing attention that his project 
was arousing, a question that he was prompted to put by 
the growing strength of the anti-Semites. Benedikt replied 
that the Neue Freie Presse must adhere to the German 
liberal standpoint, and he regarded the Jewish national 
movement as a misfortune. This unfriendly response aroused 
in Herzl the fear that there were again difficult days before 
him, and he wrote in his Diary: 

There are again continued tensions in my life's romance. 
Perhaps the movement will now fling me out of my secure posi- 
tion on the Neue Freie Presse and into adventures to which I 
look forward, on account of my family, not without anxiety.^ 

2 Tagebiicher, vol. I, p. 546. 


A few days later, Bacher called him into his room and 
confronted him with the statement that when he was in 
Constantinople he had demanded a subvention of three 
thousand pounds from the Turkish Government for the 
Neue Freie Presse and had actually received it. Bacher added 
that they had been confidentially informed of this by the 
Austrian Foreign Office and the President of the Austrian 
Chamber of Commerce in Constantinople. Herzl expressed 
his astonishment that even a moment's credence had been 
given to such a fantastic story: he thought that Bacher re- 
garded him at least as a gentleman. Thereupon his chief 
replied that they believed that Newlinsky had taken ad- 
vantage of Herzl's visit to Constantinople to get some money 
from the Turks for himself. Herzl replied that he would 
investigate the affair and that he was quite willing to relate 
everything that had happened in the Turkish capital, if only 
he were allowed to use the Neue Freie Presse for Zionism. 
But Bacher was adamant: he was altogether against any 
Jewish emigration; for him there was no Jewish question- 
only a question of humanity. 

Herzl then went to Benedikt, who said that they had never 
had any suspicion against him and the best way in which 
to explode the whole story was to publish a violent article 
against Turkey. Herzl asked to be allowed to write a series 
of articles on the Jewish question, but met with a refusal. 
So incensed was he by the scurrilous slander, which he 
thought had been fabricated and circulated to undermine 
his position, that he contemplated challenging the Foreign 
Office official who had originated it to a duel; but Bacher 
intervened to smooth matters over and shook Herzl by the 
hand as a mark of goodwill. Nevertheless Herzl wrote: 

I have the impression that they will soon push me out of the 


paper by force. It would be a catastrophe, as the financial plans 
for founding my paper have failed.^ 

His next step was to write to Zadok Kahn, suggesting that 
the directors of the Jewish Colonization Association, at their 
forthcoming meetins: in Paris, should decide to found or 
buy big papers both in London and Paris to advocate the 
Zionist cause. 

The feeling of depression that gripped him at this stage 
found utterance in the following entry in his Diary (October 
13, 1896): 

I must confess it frankly to myself: I am demoralized. Help 
from no side, attacks from all sides. Nordau writes me from 
Paris that nobody there is stirring any more. The Maccabaeans 
in London are ever more Pickwickian, if I may believe the re- 
ports of my trusty de Haas. In Germany I have only opponents. 
The Russians are watching sympathetically how I am toiling 
away, but no one helps. In Austria, particularly in Vienna, I 
have only a few supporters. Those of them who are not in- 
terested are quite inactive; those who are active only want to 
push themselves forward through an editor of the Neue Freie 
Presse. And now comes this campaign of slander. . . . The Jews 
who are well off are all my opponents. So I begin to have the 
right to be the greatest of all anti-Semites.* 

On the same day that he wrote this entry, he called on 
the Turkish Ambassador, who handed him the official docu- 
ment certifying that he had been awarded the Medjidije 
Order. In the talk that followed, Herzl urged that Turkey 
could be saved only by an agreement with the Jews about 
Palestine; whereupon the Ambassador said that he fully 
agreed but had no influence in Contantinople. 

3 Tagehiicher, vol. I, p. 551. 

4 Tagebiicher, vol. I, pp. 553-554. 


Among the false reports then in circulation which con- 
tributed to Herzl's annoyance was one that was copied from 
the Galician paper, Dziennik Polski, by the Wiener Allge- 
meine Zeitung. Lt stated that a distinguished Zionist leader 
in Lemberg had received a letter from Herzl with the news 
that an English millionaire intended sacrificing one hundred 
fifty million gulden (about thirty million dollars) for the 
restoration of the Kingdom of Palestine, but that the mil- 
lionaire first wanted proof that the Jews in Galicia were 
really willing to emigrate to Palestine. The reading of this 
letter had caused scenes of excitement at a meeting of the 
Zionist Executive of Galicia, some members of which ex- 
pressed doubt about Herzl's love of the truth and insisted 
upon first seeing the original letter of the English Croesus. 
Herzl wasted little time in refuting this legend, as he was 
preoccupied with more important matters. He was trying 
to secure an audience with the Tsar of Russia, in prepara- 
tion for which a Russian translation of his brochure had just 
been published. He wrote to de Haas to find out whether 
Sir Samuel Montagu and Colonel Goldsmid would be willing 
to accept an invitation from the Sultan to submit proposals 
to him in Constantinople. And he was again approached 
by Kozmian, on behalf of the Prime Minister, with the re- 
quest to establish a great daily paper. 

"What do you want for this mighty service?" asked Koz- 
mian bluntly. "Say it plainly. What do you want for yourself, 
and what for the Jews? If it isn't money, do you want an 
office, a title, a distinction?" 

Herzl replied that there could not be any question of an 
office if he was to found a paper, though Newlinsky had 
suggested he should receive a decoration, such as the Order 


of the Iron Crown. "But the principal thing," he continued, 
"is to give something to the Jews— for instance, a word from 
the Emperor. After conferring this distinction upon me, 
he should receive me and say some good things for the Jews, 
and authorize me to publish them." 

Thereupon Kozmian said that the Emperor had nothing 
against the Jews but could not be brought into the matter. 
However, he would talk it over with Count Badeni, who 
would certainly give him the Iron Crown. Meanwhile, Herzl 
said that he would consult his friends about what they should 
demand. He therefore discussed the matter with Dr. Griin- 
feld, President of the Israelitische Union, who had invited 
him to address a public meeting under its auspices, and 
pointed out that, through the establishment of a paper with 
Government support, they would be able to form a Jewish 
party. But the efforts to raise the requisite capital, of which 
Herzl and his family were prepared to provide a substantial 
part, were all in vain. 

The meeting that he addressed on November 7 was the 
first occasion on which he spoke in public to the Jews in 
Vienna, and general interest was shown by the crowded 
hall, although the Union was a non-Zionist (if not actually 
an anti-Zionist) body. Herzl no longer spoke of a Jewish 
State, apart from merely mentioning it in his first sentence, 
as he had learned to be discreet in his public statements. 
He dwelt mainly upon the reasons for the need of a mass 
immigration into Palestine and the conditions for obtaining 
autonomy for the Jews in that country under Turkish suze- 
rainty. He also touched on the efforts that were being made 
by a combined Russo-French group to conclude a financial 
arrangement with Turkey, as that would bar the way of the 
Jews to Palestine. "The Jewish big banks that are cooperat- 
ing in this," he declared, "without regard to the sufferings 


of the poor Jews, and without utilizing the opportunity 
to contribute to the solution of the Jewish question, will 
bear a heavy responsibility." At the conclusion of his speech, 
which he described as a "tempestuous success," he was thanked 
by Dr. Griinfeld for having explained what had hitherto 
been regarded as a Utopia. 

The impression produced by this meeting had a hearten- 
ing effect upon the group of leading Zionists in Vienna who 
used to meet regularly every Tuesday evening in the Cafe 
Louvre. They formed the Executive Committee of the Zion- 
ist party and consisted of the physician Dr. Moritz Schnirer, 
the lawyer Dr. Oser Kokesch, the English scholar Dr. Leon 
Kellner, the industrialist Johann Kremenetzky, the engineer 
Seidener, the author York-Steiner, and a few others. Herzl 
had begun to take part in the gatherings of this Committee 
in the summer of 1896, and on September 1 he was formally 
offered and accepted the position of Chief. He did his utmost 
to impart a sense of urgency and reality to the weekly dis- 
cussions by reporting on the latest steps that he had taken 
and insisting upon the necessity of unifying all the Zionist 
societies in Austria and improving their organization. He 
also wrote to Adolf Stand, the Zionist leader in Lemberg, 
to bring about a similar unification in Galicia. The increas- 
ing volume of correspondence, especially with persons in 
other countries, in which he had to engage made it necessary 
for him to open a regular bureau, which soon became a 
place of pilgrimage for those who were seriously concerned 
about the Zionist idea. 

Among all who called to see the author of The Jewish 
State during the first few months after its publication, by 


far the most important was David Wolffsohn (1856-1914), 
who was destined to succeed him as President of the Zionist 
Organization. Wolffsohn had originated from a totally differ- 
ent milieu and had an entirely different upbringing. Born 
in the Lithuanian townlet of Dorbiany, the son of a poor 
Talmudical scholar, he received little beyond a traditional 
Jewish education as his preparation for life. It was to his 
father, Rabbi Eisik, who piously looked forward to the com- 
ing of the Messiah as the redeemer of the Holy Land, that 
he owed his earliest Zionist promptings, and these were 
strengthened when he went as a youth to Memel, where he 
came under the inspiring influence of the local Rabbi, Dr. 
Isaac Riilf, an ardent "Lover of Zion" who wrote a pamphlet 
on the subject. His Zionist zeal was further stimulated by 
David Gordon, the editor of the first Hebrew weekly, Ham- 
aggid, in whose house at Lyck he lived for some time. After 
a period of struggle and privation, he was appointed agent 
for a timber merchant, soon established his own business, 
and, within a few years, was married and enjoying a position 
of comfort. 

In 1888, as a young man of thirty-two, he settled 
in Cologne, where he first showed his mettle as a Zionist and 
a speaker. At the local Jewish literary society, there ^vas a 
discussion in December, 1892, on the exploits of the Macca- 
bees, when the audience Avas startled by a speech of pro- 
nounced Zionist tenor delivered by a budding lawyer, Dr. 
Max Bodenheimer, which was reinforced by a more emphatic 
utterance by the then unknown Wolffsohn. That incident 
brought the two men together in intimate friendship, and, 
a few months later, they, with the help of others of like mind, 
formed a society, Ezra, for the furtherance of Jewish agri- 
cultural activity in Palestine, after the pattern of the other 
Hovevei Zion societies in Germany. In November, 1893, 


Wolffsohn surprised the members of the literary society 
with an address on Zionism, in which he plainly spoke of 
"the idea of the restoration of a Jewish State"; and there- 
after he engaged in regular correspondence with the leading 
members of the Hovevei Zion in Berlin, Willi Bambus 
(1863-1904) and Hirsch Hildesheimer (1855-1910), as well 
as with the headquarters of the movement in Odessa. 

It was only natural, therefore, that after David Wolffsohn 
had read The Jewish State, he should be eager to make the 
acquaintance of its author. He went to Vienna for that pur- 
pose in May, 1896, expecting to meet a portly, clean-shaven 
individual, and was agreeably surprised to be greeted by 
the dignified and imposing figure of Herzl. "I have come," 
be said, "to make the acquaintance of the author of The 
Jewish State and to shake him by the hand." Herzl gave 
him a cordial welcome, introduced him to Zionist friends 
in his study, and asked him what he thought of the realization 
of his plan. Wolffsohn replied that that would depend upon 
the response of the Jews in Russia. Herzl agreed that the 
Russian Jews would provide the masses to be transferred; 
whereupon Wolffsohn told him something of their character 
and achievements and said that they would also expect to 
take part in the work of realization. As he was about to 
leave, Wolffsohn said: "Dr. Herzl, I place myself at your 
disposal with all that I am and have and— unconditionally. I 
want to serve you, Dr. Herzl, for you are the man!" Herzl 
shook him by the hand vigorously and asked him to come 
again soon.-^ 

Wolffsohn kept his pledge faithfully and rendered Herzl 
invaluable services throughout the stresses and crises of the 
movement until the leader's death. His absolute devotion 
found utterance in a letter that he wrote to Herzl some years 

5 Emil Bern hard Cohn. David Wol§sohn. p. 64. 


later: "Others follow you when they see that you are right. 
I follow you even when I am convinced that you are wrong.** 
He immediately realized that there were gaps in Herzl's 
knowledge of the Jewish people and Jewish life, and espe- 
cially of East European Jewry and their psychology, and he 
resolved to make good those deficiencies. After his first 
visit to Vienna, he went straight to Berlin to report his im- 
pressions to Hildesheimer, Bambus, and other friends, and 
gave so enthusiastic a description of Herzl that they could 
not help promising that they would send a representative to 
Vienna to see whether all was true. "But you must pay for 
it," they said. "Good," replied Wolffsohn, "I shall pay for 
it." A representative, Dr. Holzmann, went, and thus through 
Wolffsohn communication was established between Herzl 
and the Hovevei Zion in Berlin and Cologne. 

A few weeks after Wolffsohn's first visit to Herzl, there 
came to Vienna one of the leaders of the Russian Hovevei 
Zion, Menahem Ussishkin (1863-1941), an engineer by 
profession, who was also destined to play a very distinguished 
part in the movement. He was a leading member of the 
Odessa Committee and was on his way to Paris to seek help 
from Baron Edmond de Rothschild for the establishment of 
a new colony in Palestine. He was induced, rather reluctantly, 
by Nathan Birnbaum to call on Herzl, "fell under the spell 
of his handsome appearance and his youthful vigor," and 
remained for a two-hour talk. When he left, Birnbaum 
asked him his impressions, to which Ussishkin replied: 

He will render great services to the Palestine movement. The 
charm of his personality will unquestionably attract all Russian 
Jewry and possibly the Jews of Western Europe as well. He has 
one great defect, which, however, will prove very useful under 
present conditions. He knows absolutely nothing about the Jews, 
and therefore believes that Zionism is confronted by external 


obstacles only, and by no internal ones. His eyes must not be 
opened— then his faith in our cause will be great.^ 

When Wolffsohn visited Herzl the second time, in the 
middle of November, the two men became more closely 
drawn to one another than before, and Herzl, who described 
him in his Diary as "ein wackerer, sympathischer Mensch" 
(a gallant, sympathetic person), confided in him all his plans 
and negotiations, his hopes and disappointments. He was 
busy as usual with political moves. He sent the Russian 
edition of The Jewish State (which had been translated into 
ten languages), with a letter, to the Grand Duke Vladimir 
of Russia, who was staying in Berlin, and asked for an inter- 
view, but received no reply. He dispatched another letter 
to the Grand Duke of Baden, together with a report of his 
speech in Vienna, suggesting that he would like an audience 
with the Kaiser. And he furnished Hechler with the draft 
of a letter to Lord Salisbury, setting forth his plan for the 
restoration of Turkey's finances and asking for an interview 
—which was refused. No wonder that he wrote in his Diary, 
on December 20, 1896: 

I feel that I am growing tired. I now believe more than ever 
before that my movement is at an end. I am fully convinced of 
its realizability, but cannot overcome the initial difficulty. One 
million gulden would be necessary to put the movement firmly 
on its feet, and this trifle (for so great a cause) is lacking.''^ 

He wanted the money for a great daily, for, in his view, 
with such a paper he could negotiate with governments just 
as one Power with another. Meanwhile, the stream of visitors 
continued, prompting him to the thought that "the road 
from Palestine to Paris is beginning to go through my room." 

6 Article by M. M. Ussishkin in Theodor Herd: A Memorial. 

7 Tagebiicher,. vol. I, p. 577. 


One of these visitors was Schoub, from Palestine, "a big, 
long-bearded man with glowing eyes," whom he asked to 
speak to the Sultan's Jewish doctor. Another, Dr. D'Arbela, 
Director of the Rothschild Hospital in Jerusalem, spoke to 
him of Palestine as a magnificent country. Levin-Epstein, 
the administrator of the colony of Rehovoth, told him that 
it was Scheid who was spreading false reports, so as to have 
an excuse for the failure of the settlement in the Hauran, 
which had been bought with baksheesh. And Sidney Whit- 
man, the London representative of the New York Herald, 
who boasted of his friendship with the Sultan and Bismarck, 
would come day after day and sit for hours, and proposed 
writing about The Jewish State and the Jewish question in 
his paper. In the midst of these preoccupations, Herzl con- 
ceived the idea of getting one or two prominent Zionists 
elected in Galicia to the Austrian Parliament, and when they 
declined, he was himself offered a choice of three Jewish 
constituencies, but he likewise refused, as he did not wish 
to be involved in local politics. 

Early in 1897, after an interval of about a year and a half, 
he again had a talk with Chief Rabbi Dr. Giidemann in the 
latter's home. He found that this religious dignitary, with 
whom he had previously discussed the ideas in his pamphlet 
and who had lavished eulogies upon him, had now funda- 
mentally changed in his attitude. After a heated argument, 
Giidemann refused to preach on Zionism in his synagogue, 
and Herzl left abruptly. Several weeks later, they met in the 
street by chance and there was further argument. The Chief 
Rabbi said that he would not run away from the anti-Semites 
and declared that it was the duty of the Jews to continue 


living in dispersion throughout the world to spread the 
"Mission of Judaism." The climax in their relations came 
shortly afterward with the publication by Giidemann of a 
hostile pamphlet against Herzl's plan, entitled National- 
Judentum, which stung Herzl to a slashing and ironical 
reply in Bloch's Oesterreichische Wochenschrift.^ He re- 
minded the Chief Rabbi that he had read the proofs of The 
Jewish State more than a year before and had returned them 
with the remark: "I have read all and find nothing to criti- 
cize." He taunted him with flagrant inconsistency in praying 
daily for the return to Zion and publicly opposing the efforts 
for its fulfillment. 

Thwarted in all his political endeavors, Herzl came to the 
conclusion by early spring of 1897 that the only way to make 
any advance was to organize a Congress, to be attended by 
Zionists from many countries, so that he could obtain their 
moral and material support and also whatever counsel they 
might be able to provide. After an exchange of coirespond- 
ence with the Hovevei Zion in Berlin and other cities, there 
were assembled on March 6, in Vienna, Willi Bambus and 
Birnbaum from Berlin, Dr. M. Moses from Kattowitz, the 
author Isaac Turoff (1855-1929) from Breslau, Dr. Salz from 
Tarnow, Dr. Marcus Ehrenpreis from Diakovar (Chief Rabbi 
of Bulgaria, 1900-14 and Chief Rabbi of Sweden, 1914-51), 
and Dr. Osias Thon from Lemberg (one of the founders of 
the Young Israel students' society in Berlin), later Rabbi in 
Cracow. The members of the Executive Committee in Vienna 
were, of course, also present. Of all the representatives from 
the other cities, the most important was Bambus, who showed 
a tendency to take control. He reported that at the last meet- 
ing of the Jewish Colonization Association in Paris, Zadok 
Kahn had, indeed, submitted Herzl's suggestion that they 

8 April 23, 1897. 


should purchase newspapers in London and in Paris, where- 
upon the English members of the Council— Claude Monte- 
fiore, Herbert Lousada, and Alfred Cohen— declared that if 
the proposal were persisted in they would leave the meeting. 
On Sunday, March 7, a Conference was held in the rooms of 
the Zionist Association in Vienna, and it was resolved to hold 
a general Zionist Congress in Munich. This city was chosen 
because it would be convenient for delegates from Russia and 
also because it had kosher restaurants. An organization com- 
mission, with Herzl as chairman, was appointed to carry out 
the arrangements. 

No sooner did this decision become known in other coun- 
tries than attempts were made to prevent its fulfillment. 
Early in April, Herzl received a letter from de Haas, inform- 
ing him that Colonel Goldsmid had sent for him and begged 
him not to go to the Congress, so as to avoid a split in the 
English Hovevei Zion. Herzl replied that de Haas and his 
friends should go ahead with their arrangements to attend. 
He also received a letter from Goldsmid himself, confirmingr 
what de Haas had written, and urging him to join the 
Hovevei Zion. Herzl promptly answered that the holding of 
the Congress was a definite decision, from which he could 
no longer go back, and that it was also a necessity. He wrote: 

I have waited long enough. In August it will be two years 
since I first undertook the first practical steps in the Jewish 
question. I wanted to do it without exciting the masses, from 
above, with the men who have hitherto been prominent in 
Zionism. I was not understood nor supported. I had to go for- 
ward alone. At the Congress in Munich I shall call upon the 
masses to proceed to help themselves, since nobody else will 
help them.^ 

9 Tagebilcher, vol. I, p. 609. 


He concluded by again stating that if Baron Edmond, Mon- 
tagu, Goldsmid, and anybody else would promise to carry 
out the plan he had initiated in Constantinople, he would 
retire from the leadership forever. On the other hand, if 
they declined and no money was forthcoming from the rich, 
then it would come from "all noble, courageous, intelligent 
and educated elements of our people." 

Herzl's attention was momentarily diverted by the Greco- 
Turkish War, which broke out in the middle of April. He 
seized the opportunity of manifesting Jewish sympathy for 
Turkey by organizing a fund in Austria and Germany for 
the benefit of the Turkish wounded, and some young Zionist 
doctors volunteered their services on the battlefield. Herzl 
wrote to the Turkish Ambassador in Vienna to inform him 
of these steps, and also to Sidney Whitman, who was in 
Constantinople and went to Yildiz Kiosk daily. But the war 
was short-lived, as the Powers intervened, and Turkey bene- 
fited by a substantial indemnity from Greece. 

As soon as Herzl could devote himself again to the Con- 
gress preparations, he had to deal with a note from Bambus, 
who wrote that he was sending a correction to some Jewish 
papers which had published an announcement from Herzl 
about the Congress. Herzl immediately responded by demand- 
ing that Bambus should rescind his correction; he now realized 
that there was a fundamental difference of opinion between 
them as to the purpose of the Congress. Bambus and Hildes- 
heimer understood that it would be limited to a discussion 
of relief work in Palestine, especially colonization, and re- 
fused to take part in a Congress that would deal with Zion- 
istic theories and political plans. They therefore withdrew 
and decided that the Hovevei Zion in Berlin should not take 
part, but Wolffsohn strongly opposed them and secured the 
adherence of other philo-Zionists in the German capital, as 


well as of those in Cologne and other cities. Annoyed by the 
attacks and criticisms to which he was subjected within the 
Zionist fold, and also by his dependence on the whims of Dr. 
Joseph Bloch for every little announcement or correction that 
he wanted inserted in his Wochenschrijt, Herzl decided that he 
must have a paper of his own, and since it could not be a 
daily, it must be a weekly. He asked his father (whom he 
frequently consulted) if he agreed, and as he assented, Herzl 
resolved to issue the journal with his own money and his 
own work. He inquired whether the members of the Zionist 
Executive would take part in the venture, but none of them 
would, except one who was prepared to write articles for 
payment. They agreed on the name— Dfe Welt. 

While busily engaged on the task of producing the new 
paper, Herzl was conducting correspondence with Whitman, 
who wrote that he would submit Herzl's plan to the Sultan 
himself and expected that his future would be assured in 
return for his services. Herzl gave him a pledge to this effect, 
which, he said, would be redeemed one day by grateful Jews, 
but he could not promise him money, any more than he 
could make such a promise to Newlinsky. Whitman informed 
him that he had interested Ahmed Midhat Effendi, the 
Sultan's favorite, who advised him not to ask for too much 
nor to use the word "autonomy," so that the Sultan should 
not say "No." Herzl wrote him two letters: one in German, 
promising him the reward; and the other in French, explain- 
ing his plan for submission to the Sultan and inviting him 
to send a delegate to the forthcoming Congress. Whitman 
replied that he had read Herzl's letter to Midhat, who would 
devote himself to the cause body and soul "on the express 
condition that he never accepts a penny for his services," 
and added that a delegate would be sent to the Congress. 
Herzl wrote again that Whitman should advise the Sultan 


that he was prepared to come to Constantinople in a few 

At last, after feverish labors, in which Herzl had to attend 
to every detail, Die Welt made its first appearance on June 
6. It had the "Shield of David" ^" between the two words of 
the title and had a yellow cover, the color chosen by medieval 
despots for the Jewish badge of shame, but which was now 
elevated to be a symbol of honor. He glowed with triumph, 
and sent the first copy to his father. But the Neue Freie Presse 
gave him no peace. He had to force himself into the mood to 
write a Whitsuntide feuilleton for the paper. He was now 
primarily concerned, however, about the success of Die Welt, 
and he therefore had a half-page advertisement about it 
printed in the Neue Freie Presse (without the editor's previous 
knowledge), which cost him three pounds. The sequel was a 
leading article in the semi-official Reichswehr, attacking the 
new paper and headed "Renedictus I, King of Zion." To 
find himself treated as a Zionist made Benedikt furious. Herzl 
was prepared for a fight and even for dismissal. There were 
angry scenes between them, but they calmed down and Bene- 
dikt gave him a lift home in his carriage. 

A few days later, however, the war broke out again, owing 
to a bitter attack by Schoenerer's Ostdeutsche Rundschau on 
the Neue Freie Presse. Benedikt declared that Die Welt was 
a great embarrassment to him and it would be best if it ceased 
to appear. He told Herzl that he must not go on leave until 
he gave him a definite reply about this, and that he would 
not regret it if he took his advice. Herzl remained inflexible. 
On June 23, Benedikt subjected him to a renewed harangue, 

10 The traditional Jewish symbol (Magen David), consisting of two inter- 
twined equilateral triangles. 


and then tried to cajole him. "Be a bon gargon!" he said. 
"Don't be obstinate. Soyez bon prince. What do you get 
from Die Welt? You are doing yourself harm! On the Neue 
Freie Presse you can make the greatest career. You can 
achieve everything." ^^ 

Herzl remained silent. Again Benedikt implored, prom- 
ised, threatened. Herzl asked for time to think it over, 
and felt that the breach with the Neue Freie Presse would 
take place within the next few days, as he would not give 
up Die Welt. 

The next day, he asked for leave and said that he would 
let Benedikt have an answer by July 1. Benedikt replied: 
"Don't write to me. I'm convinced you will follow my 
advice." Herzl said that he was going to Ischl for a holiday 
and would send some feuilletons from there, as he was too 
upset to write in Vienna. Again Benedikt rejoined: "You 
promise me that you will stop Die Welt." Herzl promised 
nothing, but mutely shook his head. 

Meanwhile, Whitman had returned from Constantinople. 
He admitted that he had not seen the Sultan, only Ahmed 
Midhat, to whom he suggested that Herzl should write direct. 
He had also spoken in Bucharest to Prime Minister Stourdza 
about Zionism, of which he was in favor, and an interview 
would appear in the New York Herald. Accordingly, Herzl 
wrote to the Sultan's favorite in the same terms and with the 
same arguments that he had so often used. He also sent 
him a copy of Die Welt, and said that he would be glad to 
publish in it anything that he would send him. 

The preparations for the Zionist Congress sustained a 
sudden jolt when the Council of the Jewish Community of 
Munich made an official protest against its being held in 
that city. The Zionist Executive in Vienna countered by 

11 Tagebiicher, vol. II, p. 10. 


announcing that the Congress would take place in Basle. 
The fight was then taken up by the Executive of the Union 
of Rabbis in Germany, who, headed by Dr. Sigmund May- 
baum (1844-1919), of Berlin, published a solemn pronunci- 
amento in the Berliner Tageblatt, in which the Congress 
was denounced as being contrary to the principles of Ju- 
daism, to the Messianic prophecies in Holy Writ, and to 
the duty of loyalty to one's fatherland. Their attitude was 
supported by the Chief Rabbi of English Jewry, Dr. Her- 
mann Adler (1839-191 1), who in a sermon stigmatized Zionism 
as "an egregious blunder." Herzl replied to all these attacks 
with a brilliant article in Die Welt, entitled Protest-Rab- 
hiner, in which he scathingly refuted the charges made in 
the pronunciamento and stressed that whenever these Rabbis 
spoke of Zion they meant anything but Zion. On the other 
hand, he pointed out, there were many Rabbis with a 
different view— Samuel Mohilewer in Bialystok, Zadok Kahn 
in Paris, Isaac Riilf in Memel, Moses Gaster in London, and 
many others— for whom he felt the deepest reverence. 

By the middle of August he was back again in Vienna. 
The manifold tasks involved in ors^anizincj the Congress 
and running Die Welt, in addition to his daily journalistic 
work, began to exhaust his strength. He was anxious that 
the Congress should be a success and be representative. He 
had already received reports from New York that meetings 
in support of his movement had been held there and in other 
cities, and was particularly pleased that a conference of 
Rabbis, under the chairmanship of Dr. Gustav Gottheil 
(1827-1903), had declared themselves in favor of his aims. 
He wrote a cordial letter to Colonel Goldsmid inviting him 
to Basle; he heard from Berlin that Bambus would be there 
after all; and from Constantinople he had news from New- 
linsky that he was commissioned to go to the Congress so as 


to report to the Sultan. He put in extra work for the Neue 
Freie Presse, in order to keep his editor in a good mood. 
The row with him which he had feared would break out 
(after the scenes with Benedikt) did not take place; but 
when, on August 23, he asked for the rest of his leave, Bacher 
agreed that he could be away until September 2, and then 
told him bluntly that his work on Die Welt must cease.^^ 
Herzl replied that he had only signed one article in that 
paper, whereupon Bacher said: "But now you must stop. 
You are surely an author, you are surely a sensible person." 
They parted as friends, and Herzl now turned his thoughts 
entirely to the Congress. He reflected that if it resulted in 
the Powers taking the question seriously, he would continue 
to work for it. But if not, and if the very wealthy Jews 
showed no inclination to support the movement that he had 
brought so far with such great personal and material sacri- 
fices, then he would retire from the scene. 

i^ Die Well continued to appear regularly every week until the beginning 
of the First World War. 


The First Two Congresses 


was to open on August 29, 1897, in a whirl of emotions. 
He had done everything humanly possible by voluminous 
correspondence with hundreds of supporters of his idea in 
many countries, and also by means of the press, to insure 
that the Congress would be well attended by persons eager 
to advance his plan, for he felt that all further progress 
depended upon that event. He was naturally elated by the 
thought that it was the first time, after more than eighteen 
hundred years of dispersion throughout the world, that 
Jews had been called together to deliberate upon measures 
for their rehabilitation as a nation, and he was likewise 
keenly conscious of the snares and pitfalls that he had to 
circumvent in order to pass the first landmark on the road 
to his goal. Among those whom he expected at Basle, he was 
particularly anxious about Hechler and Newlinsky, whom 
he had invited to attend at his own expense. He did not 
wish them to become acquainted with one another, as he 
feared that if they did, and exchanged information, they 
might realize the poverty of his material resources or the 
dimness of his political prospects, and consequently desert 

The task of presiding over the deliberations seemed to 
him a peculiarly difficult feat, the ingenuity of which only 
he could appreciate. With a blend of political perspicuity 
and artistic imagination, he envisaged it as "an egg-dance 



among all invisible eggs," which he enumerated in his 
Diary ^ as follows: 

1. Egg of the Neue Freie Presse, which I dare not compromise, 
and which I dare not give any excuse for sacking me. 

2. Egg of the Orthodox. 

3. Egg of the Moderns. 

4. Egg of Austrian patriotism, 

5. Egg of Turkey, of the Sultan, 

6. Egg of the Russian Government, against which nothing 
unpleasant may be said, although one must surely mention 
the deplorable situation of the Russian Jews. 

7. Egg of the Christian denominations, because of the Holy 

To these he added a few more "eggs"— those of Edmond de 
Rothschild, of the Hovevei Zion in Russia, of the colonists 
in Palestine whose help from Rothschild should not be 
affected, as well as "the eggs of personal differences, of envy 
and jealousy," "It is," he wrote, "one of the labors of Hercules 
—without exaggeration— for I have no more liking for the 

Immediately on arrival in Basle, Herzl put up at the Hotel 
Drei Konige, overlooking the Rhine, at which many of his 
friends also stayed, and which became the recognized head- 
quarters of the leaders of the movement at all the following 
Zionist Congresses held in that city. He then attended to the 
final preparations. He found that the office which the munic- 
ipal authorities had placed at the disposal of the Congress 
Secretariat was a tailor's shop that had just been vacated, 
and he therefore had the sign above the window covered 
with cloth to prevent any flippant comments. The place 
that had been taken for the Congiess sessions seemed quite 
unsuitable, as it was a common music hall, and he there- 

1 Tagebucher, vol. II, pp. 21-22. 


fore hired the more dignified Stadt-Casino, an austere con- 
cert hall, over the entrance to which was displayed a large 
blue-white banner bearing the words Zionisten-Kongress. 
In and near the Stadt-Casino, there began to swarm groups 
of Jews froin a score of lands, as varied in physiognomy and 
physique as in attire, and all absorbed in animated con- 
versation. The majority were from Central and Eastern 
Europe, but there were also several from Western countries 
—France, England, and the United States— and two from 
Palestine. Although speaking different languages, they soon 
found a common tongue, and the initial strangeness or 
shyness was quickly dispelled by the dominant idea and the 
common enthusiasm that united them all. They represented 
all gradations of social strata and comprised all shades of 
thought. There were Ashkenazim and Sephardiin, Orthodox 
and Reform Jews, Rabbis and freethinkers, veteran philo- 
Zionists and newly converted nationalists, bourgeois and 
Socialists, businessmen and intellectuals, artisans and stu- 
dents; but their differences of origin, status, and outlook 
were submerged by one single emotion— an inexpressible 
feeling of ecstasy that they had lived to enjoy a historic ex- 
perience of unique and far-reaching significance. In all, there 
were 204 ^ delegates (including fourteen women) represent- 
ing philo-Zionist societies and similar bodies; but there were 
also several hundred onlookers, including some Christian 
friends, besides press correspondents from London, New 
York, Paris, Berlin, Budapest, and other cities on the Con- 

Anxious to omit no detail that might contribute toward 
success, Herzl attended the synagogue service on the Sabbath 

2 The number given by Herzl himself (Tagebiicher, vol. II, p. 37), 
although the list at the end of the stenographic report of the Congress has 
the names of only 196 who took part, besides three guests. 


morning before the opening session, was called up to the 
reading of the Law, and pronounced the benedictions, in 
which he had been coached by a friend. "When I went up to 
the 'altar' (precentor's dais)," he afterward wrote, "I was 
more excited than on all the days of the Congress. The few 
words of the Hebrew blessing caused me more trepidation 
than my inaugural address and concluding speech and the 
entire direction of the proceedings." He was resolved to 
give the opening session a festive character by wearing eve- 
ninsT dress and a white tie, althous^h it was forenoon, and 
asked his friends to do likewise. When he saw that Nordau 
was setting out in a frock coat, he besfsed him to do him 
the favor of also donning evening attire, so as to impart an 
impressive aspect to the Praesidium of the Congress. 

After three raps with a gavel by the secretary, the pro- 
ceedings were opened by the senior delegate, Dr. Karl Lippe, 
of Jassy, a veteran leader in the Hovevei Zion movement, 
who concluded his speech by proposing that a message of 
loyalty be dispatched to the Sultan— a proposal that was 
adopted with acclamation. Then followed thunderous ap- 
plause as his place was taken by the tall and picturesque 
figure of Theodor Herzl, looking more regal than many a 
king. He spoke calmly and clearly and with dignity, con- 
cerned more to give a lucid presentation of his views than 
to indulge in a histrionic declamation. 

He began by setting forth the purpose of the Congress as 
the laying of the foundation stone of the house that would 
one day give shelter to the Jewish nation. At this time, 
otherwise so advanced, they saw and felt themselves sur- 
rounded by the old hatred known only too well as anti- 
Semitism. He made no reference to his epoch-making pam- 
phlet, nor were its contents discussed, either at that or at any 
succeeding Congress in his lifetime. He declared that Zion- 


ism had united the scattered limbs of Jewry upon a national 
basis and that it meant "the return to Judaism even before 
the return to the Jewish land." They would discuss the 
question of an organization, the necessity of which every- 
body saw, but Zionists "wished for the solution of the 
Jewish question not an international union but interna- 
tional discussion." So great a people's movement must be 
tackled from all sides, but the spiritual life of the Jews 
always needed less attention than their physical welfare. 
This had been shown by the colonization efforts in Palestine 
and Argentina, of which they could never speak except with 
genuine gratitude. But that formed only the first, not the 
last, word of the Zionist movement, which must be greater 
if it was to exist at all. A people could only help themselves, 
and Zionists wished to urge the people to help themselves. 
The immigration of the Jews into Palestine "would signify 
an access of strength of unexpected plenitude for the now 
poor country," but their inovement would pursue a reason- 
able course only if they aimed at guarantees based on public 
law. The settlement of the Jews would also result in an 
improvement of the position of the Christians in the East, 
and through their exodus from certain countries where the 
Government was troubled by a Jewish question, they would 
actually be the powers of peace. In conclusion, Herzl 
pointed out that the Congress must provide for its own 
perpetuation by "creating for the Jewish people an organ 
that it had hitherto not had, but that it urgently needed 
for its own life." It was a historic yet matter-of-fact speech, 
and was received by renewed and prolonged applause. 

Herzl was followed by Max Nordau, who gave a masterly 
address in which he presented a vivid portrayal of the general 
conditions of the Jews, emphasizing their political plight 
and economic straits in the East and their moral distress in 


the West, all of which the Congress would seek to remedy. 
Nordau was a brilliant speaker, who always carefully pre- 
pared his speech in advance (using only a few notes in the 
palm of his hand as aids to memory), and his critical survey 
of the disquieting position of Jewry was an attractive feature 
of the opening sessions of several subsequent Congresses. 
Herzl wrote of him: "He spoke splendidly. His speech is 
and remains a monument of our times." 

The Praesidium of the Congress consisted of Herzl as 
President and Nordau as First Vice-President, with several 
members as assessors and secretaries. The latter acted as 
translators of the German resolutions, which were rendered 
into Russian, Yiddish, English, and French, as well as of 
some speeches from one language into others. Herzl soon 
showed that he was not only a gifted writer but also an able 
and efficient chairman, capable of presiding over the keen 
debates that took place later over questions of policy, pro- 
cedure, and organization. He gave striking proof of the 
lessons that he had learned during the four years that he 
had attended the discussions in the Palais Bourbon, and he 
impressed the delegates not only with his tact and efficiency 
but also with his skill and firmness in keeping speakers to 
the point. Nordau was followed by a succession of Rap- 
porteurs, who gave accounts of conditions in their respective 
countries (particularly Austria, Galicia, Bukowina, Hungary, 
Bulgaria, England, and Algeria), and by experts who read 
papers on aspects of Jewish national and economic life, or 
the colonization of Palestine and modern Hebrew literature. 
Dr. Nathan Birnbaum, one of the founders of the Kadimah, 
gave an address on Jewish culture. Much enthusiasm was 


aroused by proposals submitted by the graybearded Pro- 
fessor Hermann Shapira (1840-1898), of Heidelberg Univer- 
sity, for the raising of a Jewish national fund of ten million 
pounds by voluntary contributions for the purchase of land 
in Palestine and also for the creation there of a Hochschule 
(advanced school), which he carefully distinguished from a 

The two main achievements of the Congress were the 
formulation of the Zionist Program and the establishment 
of the Zionist Organization. For the drafting of the Program, 
a sub-committee of seven, after hours of discussion, unani- 
mously submitted through its chairman, Dr. Nordau, a text 
whose first and most important paragraph was as follows: 
"The aim of Zionism is to create for the Jewish people a 
legally secured home in Palestine." A heated debate im- 
mediately ensued over the question of the legal security. 
Some of the delegates, represented by Fabius Schach, of 
Cologne, and Leo Motzkin (1867-1933), of Berlin, wished 
that the principle that distinguished the new political Zion- 
ism from the previous colonization activity should be clearly 
emphasized by using the term volkerrechtlich ("according to 
international law"). The draft was therefore referred back 
to the sub-committee, which decided in favor of Herzl's 
compromise proposal, ofjentlich-rechtlich ("according to 
public law"), which was meant to convey that the Jewish 
Home should be guaranteed by the constitution of the 
Ottoman Empire. The Basle Program (as it was commonly 
called, after its birthplace), was thereupon adopted in the 
following terms: 

The aim of Zionism is to create for the Jewish people a home 
in Palestine secured by public law. 

In order to attain this object the Congress proposes to adopt 
the following means: 


1. The systematic furtherance of the settlement of Palestine 
with Jewish agriculturists, artisans, and craftsmen. 

2. The organization and union of all Jewry by means of suit- 
able local and general institutions in accordance with the 
laws of the country. 

3. The strengthening of Jewish national sentiment and na- 
tional consciousness. 

4. Preparatory steps for obtaining the Government assents 
that are necessary for achieving the object of Zionism. 

The Zionist Organization was built up on the adoption of 
this Program, the acceptance of which, together with the 
annual payment of a shekel (one shilling or twenty-five 
cents), to provide the Executive with their working fund, 
constituted one a member of the Organization. The payment 
of the shekel conferred the right to vote for a delegate to the 
Congress, which was to be the supreme controlling organ 
of the movement, the ultimate arbiter upon all questions of 
policy and all important measures to be undertaken in the 
name of the Organization. The government of this body was 
entrusted to a General Council (Actions-Komitee) of twenty- 
three members, five of whom must have their permanent 
residence in Vienna. One of these five was Theodor Herzl, 
who was elected President of the Organization, The decisions 
of the Congress had the support not only of those who took 
part in it, but also of thousands of others in many lands 
who communicated their adherence in telegrams or letters, 
while several thousand "petitions" were received from Jews 
in Rumania, Galicia, and the Bukowina, requesting that 
they should be registered for early settlement in Palestine 
on their own responsibility. 

Herzl was fully satisfied with the course of the proceed- 
ings, which far exceeded his anticipations. He was constantly 
approached by delegates and others, who asked him all sorts 


of things— important and indifferent. "There were always 
four or five people who spoke to me at once," he wrote. 
"It was an enormous mental strain, as everybody had to be 
given a definite reply. I felt as if I were playing thirty-two 
games of chess at the same time." ^ At one stage, while Nor- 
dau was presiding, he entered the hall from the back to 
see what it looked like. "The long, green-baize table on the 
platform, with the elevated seat of the President, the tribune 
with its green hangings, the stenographers' and journalists' 
table, made such a strong impression upon me that I quickly 
withdrew in order not to be embarrassed. I afterward under- 
stood why I was so calm while all others were excited and 

Of all the kinds of Jews with whom he first came into 
contact at the Congress, those who made the deepest im- 
pression upon him were the Jews from Eastern Europe, 
particularly those from Russia. He had previously thought 
of them only as the victims of oppression and the objects of 
relief: now he learned to regard them in a totally different 

There rose before us at the Basle Congress a Russian Jewry of 
such cultural strength that we had not expected. There were 
about seventy men from Russia who appeared at the Congress, 
and we can say quite definitely that they represented the views 
and feelings of the five million Jews in Russia. And how ashamed 
we felt, who had thought that we were superior to them. All 
these professors, doctors, lawyers, engineers, manufacturers and 
merchants are on an educational level that is certainly not 
inferior to that of the West Europeans. They speak and write 
on an average two or three modern languages, and that everyone 
is capable in his particular field is obvious from the hard fight 
for existence that they have to endure in their country. 

3 Tagebiicher, vol. II, p. 27. 


Apart from their individual accomplishments, he was also 
struck by other qualities of the Russian Jews: 

They possess the inner unity which most European Jews have 
lost. They feel as national Jews, but without the narrow and 
intolerant national conceit, which, to be sure, in the present 
situation of the Jews, would hardly be understandable. They 
are not tormented by any thought of becoming assimilated: their 
nature is simple and unbroken. . . . They do not assimilate to 
any other nation, but they are at pains to learn everything good 
from all peoples. That is how they succeed in being upright and 
genuine. And yet they are Ghetto-Jews, the only Ghetto-Jews of 
our time. By looking at them we understood what gave our 
forefathers in the most difficult times the strength to endure.* 

But although Herzl regarded the Russian Jews in so favor- 
able a light, at least one of them returned the compliment 
with an attitude of uncompromising and bitter opposition. 
It was Asher Ginzberg, better known by his Hebrew pseu- 
donym, Ahad Ha-am (1856-1927). He was the most dis- 
tinguished of the Hovevei Zion, had already visited Palestine 
twice before the publication of The Jewish State, and had 
elaborated a system of thought known as Cultural Zionism. 
For him, the primary problem was not the amelioration of 
the physical or political condition of the Jews by their 
transfer to Palestine, but the preservation and development 
in that country of the spirit of Judaism, which, he contended, 
was disintegrating in the Diaspora. He did not believe that 
the material distress of the Jews could be eliminated by a 
Jewish State, even if all rich Jews devoted half of their 
fortune to it: he was solely concerned with their moral or 
spiritual plight, which he thought could be alleviated with- 
out a State. He attended the Congress in response to a 
special invitation that Herzl had sent to him at his home in 

4 Zionistische Schriften, pp. 158-159. 


Odessa, and had two conversations with him in Basle, one 
before and the other after the Congress proceedings. On the 
first occasion, he asked Herzl about the National Fund that 
he contemplated establishing, and on the second he wished 
to know on what Herzl based his hopes of obtaining a con- 
cession from Turkey. He was dissatisfied with the answers 
to both questions. He followed the Congress discussions with 
an air of critical detachment and summed up his conclusions 
in the statement that "Israel will not be redeemed by diplo- 
mats but by prophets." Thereafter, because of their funda- 
mental differences, Ahad Ha-am conducted an unrelenting 
war against Herzl and his activities in his Hebrew monthly, 
Hashiloah, and did not attend another Zionist Congress until 
seven years after its founder's death, when the control of the 
movement had passed into the hands of men in general 
sympathy with his views. 

On the other hand, the Congress made at least one notable 
convert among those who had come as critical skeptics or 
outright opponents. It was the Rabbi of Basle, Dr. Cohn, 
who, at the end of the concluding session, made a speech in 
which he explained his previous antipathy as due to a fear 
that the orthodox ivould be suppressed in the Jewish State 
and compelled to desecrate the Sabbath. Herzl immediately 
reassured him that Zionism would do nothing to violate the 
religious conviction of any group; and after Professor Max 
Mandelstamm, of Kiev, had expressed warmest thanks to 
the organizers of the Congress and, above all, to the bold and 
far-sighted man who had brought them together from all 
parts of the world, the delegates dispersed in a scene of en- 
thusiastic jubilation. 


On Herzl's return to Vienna, he wrote in his Diary: ^ "If 
I were to sum up the Basle Congress in one word— which I 
shall not do openly— it would be this: at Basle I founded the 
Jewish State. If I were to say this today, I would be greeted 
by universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, and certainly 
in fifty, everyone will see it. The State is already founded, in 
essence, in the will of the people to the State." Never was 
a political prophecy of such importance fulfilled with such 
astonishing punctuality. 

But although Herzl maintained a discreet demeanor when 
he was back again in the office of the Neue Freie Presse on 
September 2, some of his colleagues greeted him with 
laughter, as though he had been engaged in some ridiculous 
folly. Bacher saw to it that no mention whatever of the 
Congress should appear in his paper, although the Neues 
Wiener Tageblatt even had two leading articles on it; but 
Bacher had collected reports from many Swiss papers, which 
he had stuffed into a sidepocket, and he sat at his desk in 
such a way that Herzl should not see them. 

The Congress had apparently aroused some apprehension 
in Papal circles, as the Italian and French press announced 
that the Vatican had issued an encyclical protesting against 
"the proposed seizing by the Jews of the Holy Places," and 
the London Daily News reported from Rome that the Pope 
had summoned his Apostolic delegate in Constantinople, 
Bonetti, to discuss measures against the Zionist movement. 
Herzl thereupon wrote to the Apostolic Nuncio in Vienna, 
Emigidius Taliani, asking for an interview, and stating that 
the reports of the Congress in the papers were misrepresenta- 
tions and misleading. He received a card from the Nuncio's 

5 Tagebiicher, vol. II, p. 24. 


secretary with the curt message that the visiting hours were 
from ten to twelve every day, but when he called, the Nun- 
cio's Chamberlain said to him: "You are quite unknown to 
his Excellency. Come when Monsignor Montagnini is here." 
What seemed to threaten to develop into an incident soon 
passed off quite calmly. The Politische Korrespondenz wrote 
that the Curia had not taken any diplomatic steps regarding 
the Zionist Congress and would not do so in future. More- 
over, Newlinsky, with whom Herzl for the first time became 
seriously annoyed because he had gone to Paris to see Baron 
Edmond de Rothschild on his own account, expiated his 
offense by writing two articles in his Correspondance de 
I'Est— one for the purpose of allaying the apprehensions of 
the Vatican and the other to reassure the men of Yildiz 
Kiosk. A little while later, Herzl agreed to give Newlinsky a 
subvention of two hundred gulden a month, for which the 
impecunious diplomat expressed his deepest gratitude. Other 
press reactions to the Congress were leading articles in the 
Pall Mall Gazette and the Daily Chronicle, which urged that 
a European Conference should be convened to deal with the 
Jewish question. 

Herzl looked upon the Zionist Organization as constituting 
the "Society of Jews," which he had projected in his pam- 
phlet. He now began to devote himself to planning the creation 
of a bank, which should serve as the "Jewish Company" 
outlined in his project. He held formal meetings with his 
colleagues on the Executive for the purpose of discussing 
the initial steps to be taken toward this end, besides dealing 
with political and organizational affairs. He had hitherto 
covered all the expenses entailed by his activity for the cause 
out of his own pocket. He now asked his colleagues to pro- 
vide five thousand gulden (about a thousand dollars) for 
future work. His request was in vain. He called them the 


"Inactions Committee," not only because they would not or 
could not share in the financial burden but also because 
they gave him little help in other matters. 

He opened his campaign for the bank with a pseudony- 
mous article in Die Welt,^ early in October, so as to stimulate 
general discussion, and then addressed himself anew to the 
effort to be received by the German Emperor. He drafted 
a letter to him, in which he summarized the purpose and 
decisions of the Congress, and asked for the privilege of an 
audience to explain more fully how his proposed solution 
of the Jewish question would also contribute to the solution 
of the Eastern question. He sent the letter to the Grand 
Duke of Baden, with a request that he should forward it with 
a note of friendly approval; but on the very next day, he 
read in the papers that the Grand Duke wanted to visit the 
Tsar of Russia, who happened to be in Darmstadt, and was 
rebuffed. He was therefore afraid that the Grand Duke, in 
his discomfiture, would either overlook or omit to take 
serious notice of his letter. Ten days later, however, he 
received a reply from the Grand Duke saying that the Kaiser 
could not grant an audience but would be glad to read 
Herzl's account of the Congress. 

His wish to speak to the Kaiser, to found a bank, and 
to have a great paper at his disposal, continued to preoccupy 
and worry him for months. Dr. Max Mandelstamm wrote to 
him that he was trying to induce a couple of millionaires 
in Kiev to give a substantial sum for a paper. Herzl and 
his father were willing to give one hundred thousand gulden 
if the Russians would make up the total amount to one 
million gulden, and if the latter were still more generous 
and helped to provide a capital of two or three million 

6 Herzl usually wrote under the pseudonym of "Benjamin Zeev" (his 
Hebrew name). 


gulden, Herzl thought it would be possible to buy the Neue 
Freie Presse itself. It was an alluring dream, the realization 
of which would make him powerful and independent. It 
would at least save him the repetition of a further wrangle 
that he had when Bacher exploded on reading a provocative 
article in Bloch's Wochenschrift on Herzl's relations with 
the Neue Freie Presse. But unfortunately the dream proved 
a mere will-o'-the-wisp. He consoled himself with the re- 
flection that one who had advanced the vision he had had 
in the Tuilerie Garden in June, 1895, as far as the Congress 
in Basle might yet cross the Mediterranean as a home-re- 
turning Jew. "Only I am tired like an old man," he wrote 
in his Diary on October 27, 1897. 

He received a letter from Nordau, informing him that 
he himself was trying to obtain an audience with the Kaiser, 
and also that he had been approached by the Turkish Gov- 
ernment for a loan of forty million francs in return for a rail- 
way concession from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf 
and the right of settlement in an area of seventy thousand 
square kilometers in Palestine. Herzl replied that he ap- 
proved of Nordau's efforts to see the Kaiser, and, as for the 
Turkish proposal, suggested that he should ask Chief Rabbi 
Zadok Kahn to submit it to the Jewish Colonization As- 
sociation, which should found a bank with a capital of two 
million pounds, of which the Association's Council should 
act as Directors. He further suggested that this bank should 
give the loan to Turkey and receive the territory as cover, 
in which case the Zionist Organization would carry on prop- 
aganda for buying shares in the bank and he would retire 
from Zionist affairs. He also wrote hopefully to Nordau that 
he had had a visit from Poznanski, of Lodz, the richest Jew 
in Russian Poland, who was in favor of a bank with a capital 
of five to ten million pounds to become the Jewish National 


Bank, and that it was of the utmost importance that such 
a project should not meet with any opposition from the 
Rothschilds. He was, indeed, so perturbed by the fear that 
the promotion of a Zionist bank might be prevented by 
the big Jewish financiers that he wrote a couple of articles 
in the Daily Chronicle suggesting that the Jewish middle 
classes would eventually boycott them. 

From these various financial projects Herzl had some brief 
distraction at the beginning of 1898 through the production 
of his play. Das Neue Ghetto. This drama, in which he had 
first given expression to his views on the Jewish question, 
and which had been offered to a succession of theatre man- 
agers in vain a few years previously, was at last presented in 
Vienna, at the Carl Theatre, on January 1, thanks to the 
fame that he had meanwhile acquired as the Zionist leader. 
It met with a very favorable reception, although Zionists 
regarded it as a quite inadequate treatment of the Jewish 
problem; and, after many performances, it was also shown in 
a number of cities in Austria and Germany. It was undoubt- 
edly Herzl's most serious play. It was in order to be present 
at its first production in Berlin that he went there on Janu- 
ary 6, but he derived no pleasure from the experience, as 
the play, to use his own expression, was "demolished" by 
the critics. He utilized his visit to the city for political pur- 
poses, too. He had two long talks with the Turkish Ambas- 
sador, Ahmed Tewfik, whom he found quite friendly, but 
when the latter proposed that the Jews should settle in his 
country without having any definite territory assigned to 
them and without autonomy, Herzl replied that it would be 
like the settlement of "new Armenians" in Turkey. He also 


had a conference with a number of leading Jews in Berlin, 
who had been called together by Professor Ludwig Stein 
(1859-1930), the philosopher and sociologist of Berne Uni- 
versity, and whose support he sought for his bank project, 
but although they showed themselves interested, they were 
unwilling to cooperate. Even Dr. Maybaum, who had headed 
the protest of the German Rabbis against the Congress, 
came to the conference, though uninvited. Before leaving 
Berlin, Herzl called on Lucanus, Chief of the Imperial Civil 
Cabinet, and asked for an audience with the Kaiser. Lucanus 
replied that the Emperor was acquainted with the Zionist 
plan but thought that "the Israelites would not want." 

Shortly after returning to Vienna, Herzl began to feel 
increasing fatigue due to the combination of his Zionist 
labors and his journalistic work. He also had trouble with 
the Austrian authorities, owing to the legal regulations that 
hampered the activity of the Zionist societies. He therefore 
wrote to Nordau, on February 17, suggesting that he take 
over the Presidency of the Organization until the Congress 
of 1899, and that the Zionist Bureau be transferred to 
Paris, where it would be in a freer environment. He stated 
that he was confident of Nordau's ability to cope with the 
task, as he w^as himself directing the Bureau in addition to 
his work as literary editor of the Neue Freie Presse and 
editor of Die Welt. After giving the matter consideration, 
Nordau replied that he was unable to accept the proposal, 
ow4ng to general conditions in the French capital, and Herzl 
did not persist. He continued working with the "Inactions 
Committee," which he called "a useless instrument," and 
viewed with alarm the growing deficit incurred by Die Welt, 
whose twenty-four hundred subscribers throughout the world 
were insufficient to cover costs. 

One of the gratifying results of the Congress was that it 


gave a powerful impetus to propaganda in all parts of the 
world, and thousands of adherents were won over to the 
Basle Program. In almost every country in Europe in which 
there was a considerable Jewish population, in North and 
South America, in South Africa, in the Far East, and even 
in Australia and New Zealand, societies were formed which 
registered their affiliation to the Zionist Organization. In 
London, a Conference was held on March 6, 1898, at the 
Clerkenwell Town Hall, attended by delegates of the con- 
stituents of the Hovevei Zion and of non-affiliated Zionist 
societies.'^ The main business of the Conference, over which 
Colonel Goldsmid presided, was to consider what attitude 
should be adopted toward the Central Committee in Vienna. 
The Committee therefore appointed David Wolffsohn, of 
Cologne, to attend as its delegate, and Herzl addressed a long 
letter * to the Conference, in which, after expressing regret 
at his absence, he wrote: 

My friends in England know how much I feel drawn toward 
them, and how much I expect from them for the work common 
and dear to all o£ us. From the first moment that I entered the 
movement my eyes were directed toward England, because I saw 
that by reason of the general situation of things there it was 
the Archimedean point where the lever could be applied. 

Herzl expressed the hope that the Zionists in England would 
declare their adherence to the Basle Program, and announced 
that his Committee was busily occupied with the pre- 
liminary details for establishing the Jewish Colonial Bank, 
which would be situated in London, and would therefore 
be of special interest to them. Owing to a sharp division 
of opinion among the delegates, several of whom (including 

7 The author attended the Conference as the delegate of an East End 

8 For the full text of the letter see Paul Goodman, Zionism in England. 


Goldsmid) could not reconcile themselves to the political 
character acquired by the Zionist movement and the pro- 
tracted negotiations that resulted, it was not until January 
22, 1899, that the formal establishment took place of the 
English Zionist Federation, which immediately linked up 
with the Vienna Bureau. There was a greater harmony of 
views in the United States and Canada, in which Federations 
were founded in 1898 and promptly placed themselves under 
that authority. 


In the middle of March, 1898 Herzl again noted in his 
Diary the state of his health. "I am tired," he wrote, "the 
heart is not in order." His relations with his employers at 
that time were satisfactory: with Bacher they were agreeable, 
while Benedikt used to say jestingly: "One must be careful 
with this Herzl. Perhaps he is right after all. When he comes 
in, I always think it is Jesus Christ entering." ^ But these 
relations were subject to fluctuation and deterioration. In 
the following month (April 23-25), Herzl held a Conference 
in Vienna with the "Actions Committee," at 'which it was 
decided to have a Second Congress in the summer to deal 
mainly with the establishment of the bank, and to invite 
subscriptions for one-pound shares forthwith. It was also 
agreed to send a member, Leo Motzkin, to Palestine, to in- 
vestigate the social and economic conditions of the Jews and 
present a report to the Congress. Herzl was pleased with the 
marks of deference shown to him, as the recognized leader 
of the movement, but when, between the sessions, he went 
to the office of the Neue Freie Presse, he had a rude re- 
minder of the subordinate position that he occupied there 

9 Tagebiicher, vol. II, pp. 64 and 66. 


and felt a sense of humiliation. Early in May, he wrote that 
he went to the office every day ready for a fight, and he 
thought that the breach with Benedikt and Bacher was only 
a question of time. He was all the more depressed because 
Die Welt was eating up more of his savings and he calculated 
that he would be able to keep it going only for another 
year. He began to have a premonition of early death, and on 
May 25 he had a talk with his dear friend, Professor Leon 
Kellner, whom he requested to undertake the publication of 
his Diary if he survived him.^*^ He also asked Kellner to 
become the editor of Die Welt after he had passed away, 
and proposed that Kellner should receive suitable remunera- 
tion for the task; but the paper itself should naturally be the 
property of his children, "as I have neglected to save any- 
thing for them while I worked for the Jews." 

Herzl seized upon another opportunity of seeking an 
audience with the German Emperor when the Rev. William 
Hechler told him that he was going in the latter part of 
May to a Church Conference in Berlin. Herzl promised 
Hechler that, if he succeeded in obtaining an audience for 
him, he would pay his expenses for a journey to Palestine 
in the autumn, when the Kaiser would be there. The British 
Chaplain, appreciating the gravity of his wish, responded 
by asking him to accompany him to the English Church on 
the following day, Sunday, and to pray with him. Herzl 
immediately changed the subject by referring to the grass in 
his garden, in which they were sitting. Hechler's effort in 
Berlin was futile, as he received a message from the Kaiser 
that he had too much to do. He then went on to Karlsruhe, 
where the Grand Duke of Baden told him that he should 
try to win over the German Ambassador in Vienna, Count 

if^ The Diary was edited by Leon Kellner and published in three volumes 
by the Jiidischer Verlag in Berlin, in 1922-1923. 


Philipp zu Eulenburg, to the cause. When Hechler returned 
in June and reported on his soundings, Herzl drafted a 
letter to the Kaiser, in case Eulenburg, on being approached, 
should suQ;oest that he should ask for an audience; but he 
did not send it off. For the first time, the political outlook 
seemed to him so cheerless that he thought of "giving the 
movement a nearer territorial 2:oal, while reservins; Zion as 
the ultimate goal. The poor masses need immediate help, 
and Turkey is not so far lost as to acquiesce in our wishes." 
Public interest in the Kaiser's projected visit to Palestine was 
becoming Avidespread, and Herzl gave an interview on July 
12 to the Vienna correspondent of the Pall Mall Gazette on 
the subject, with special reference to Zionist aspirations. He 
^vas now writing leading articles in the Neue Freie Presse on 
foreign affairs, and he asked Bacher if he could do one on 
that subject, too. But Bacher maintained that the Zionist 
movement was still only a curiosity and had the article on 
the Kaiser's journey to Palestine written by another member 
of the staff, without any mention of Zionism. 

As the time fixed for the opening of the Second Congress, 
in the middle of August, was approaching, Herzl became 
increasingly anxious about the success of the projected es- 
tablishment of the bank. Early in the year, he had entrusted 
David Wolffsohn with the arduous task of bringing the 
financial institute into existence; and when Wolffsohn was 
in London in March, to attend the English Zionist Con- 
ference, he called on the banker, Isaac Seligman, to secure 
his friendly support. Seligman did not take the matter 
seriously until Wolffsohn made the businesslike suggestion 
that Baron de Rothschild should hand over his colonies in 
Palestine to the bank and accept their monetary value in 
shares. Wolffsohn then went to Vienna to report, and Herzl 
was so pleased with the suggestion that he wrote to Dr. 


Alexander Marmorek, in Paris, that he should ask Dr. Henri 
de Rothschild or Baron Edmond to support it. Herzl had 
also corresponded on the matter with Dr. Moses Gaster, who 
informed him that Sir Edward Sassoon had suggested that 
the London Rothschilds should be approached through the 
Paris Rothschilds, and that, in the event this method proved 
successful, Sassoon would also be willing to take part. But, 
in the end, the Jewish bankers in London would have noth- 
ing to do with the venture any more than would those in 
Paris, Berlin, or Vienna; and when a Jewish merchant in 
Lodz wrote to Sir Samuel Montagu to inquire whether he 
was cooperating, the reply that he received was: "We have 
nothing to do with this bank and shall never take part in 
it." The more propaganda Die Welt and other Zionist or 
pro-Zionist papers were conducting in furtherance of the 
bank, the more determined became the opposition in anti- 
Zionist and non-Zionist circles; and althousfh the Frankfurt 
bankers, Seligmann and Marx, originally promised to attend 
a bank conference in Cologne early in August, they withdrew 
at the last moment. When Wolffsohn sent a telegram with 
this news to Herzl, the latter wired back: "Never despair." 

The Zionist leader earnestly wished that the Neue Freie 
Presse should publish a report of the forthcoming Congress 
and wrote to Benedikt, who was on a holiday at Sche- 
veningen, for that purpose. He pointed out that the Second 
Congress would be far more important than the First, on 
account of the launching of the Zionist bank and of the 
projected visit to Palestine of the Kaiser, who would prob- 
ably visit the Jewish colonies and possibly say something 
of the Zionist movement. He also spoke to Bacher on the 
matter before taking leave, and proposed to provide him 
with an objective account of the proceedings, but Bacher 
replied that he would willingly have a report, just like the 


Kolnische Zeitung and other leading papers, if it were not 
for the dual position held by Herzl. So the Neue Freie Presse 
continued to ignore the movement. 

Herzl arrived in Basle on August 25 in the company of 
Wolffsohn, with whom he had traveled from Lucerne, and 
was welcomed at the station with a tremendous ovation from 
a huge crowd. The first couple of days were devoted to a 
conference for dealing with many details relating to the 
constitution and purposes of the bank. The enthusiasm 
prevailing at this second gathering of Jewish representatives 
from many parts of the world was enhanced by a happy 
incident that occurred before the formal sessions began. It 
happened to be St. Jacob's Day, celebrated by a Swiss na- 
tional festival, when a procession with gay banners passed 
in front of the Congress building. A woman delegate, who 
was on the balcony, waved her handkerchief to the marchers, 
whereupon they immediately responded by dipping their 
flags and sending up a joyous shout: "Hoch die Juden (Long 
live the Jews)!" It was a spontaneous and heartening dem- 
onstration of friendship that particularly moved those who 
lived in lands of intolerance. 

The Congress lasted four days, August 28-31. As the 
number of Zionist societies in the preceding year had in- 
creased eightfold, it was not surprising that there were 
nearly twice as many delegates as at the First Congress; but 
this time they were accredited delegates, each elected by 
one hundred shekel-payers. Russia, in particular, had a much 
larger representation, including some destined to play lead- 
ing parts in the future, such as Chaim Weizmann, Nahum 
Sokolow, and Menahem Ussishkin. From the United States 


came the eminent Semitic scholar, Professor Richard Gott- 
heil, the President of the American Zionist Federation, and 
a young Reform Rabbi, Dr. Stephen S. Wise, who was to 
become a future President; while from England came Dr. 
Gaster, Herbert Bentwich, and Leopold J. Greenberg, of 
whom the last was to become Herzl's political representative 
in later negotiations with the British Government. Another 
notable figure was the French author and publicist, Bernard 
Lazare (1863-1903), who distinguished himself by helping 
to expose the plot against Dreyfus, but who left the Zionist 
movement after a short time, a5 he was not satisfied that 
adequate regard was paid to the principles of democracy. 

In his opening speech, Herzl surveyed the progress that 
had been made in the past year and refuted some current 
misrepresentations. He emphasized the necessity of "conquer- 
ing" the Jewish communities for Zionism, referred to the 
German Emperor's projected visit to Palestine as a recogni- 
tion of the country's importance, affirmed the loyal attitude 
of the Zionist Organization to Turkey, and announced that 
proposals would be submitted for the establishment of the 
bank. Nordau again gave a brilliant address on the position 
of the Jews, Dr. Mandelstamm spoke on different trends 
in Zionism, and Motzkin reported in detail on the results 
of his investigation of the conditions of the Jews in Palestine. 
There were also discussions on the fostering of Jewish cul- 
ture and the Hebrew language and on an improved system 
of organization. 

By far the greatest interest was aroused by reports and 
resolutions submitted by Wolffsohn and his friend and fel- 
low townsman. Max Bodenheimer (of Cologne), on the ques- 
tion of the bank, which were followed by an animated and 
occasionally vehement debate. The main proposals were 
that the financial institute should be called Juedische Colo- 


nial Bank (in English, "Jewish Colonial Trust") that it 
should have a total capital of two million pounds in one- 
pound shares, that it should be devoted to the furtherance 
of agriculture and industry "in the Orient, especially in 
Palestine and Syria," and that its seat should be in London- 
Considerable enthusiasm was aroused when Wolffsohn in- 
formed the delegates that shares to the value of four million 
francs had been subscribed even before the Congress had 
begun and before the prospectus was published, that sub- 
scriptions for another two hundred fifty thousand francs 
had been received at Basle, that 95 per cent of the total 
amount had been acquired in single shares, and that the 
subscribers hailed from all parts of the world. Although 
there was general support for the bank, there was also some 
strong opposition, particularly from some delegates with a 
Socialist outlook, who urged that its establishment was pre- 
mature and should be deferred for at least a year, and who 
also demanded that it should be based upon cooperative 
principles. Eventually the Congress agreed to the establish- 
ment of the bank, in a scene of great jubilation, and ap- 
pointed a commission of nine to bring it into existence. 

Herzl found the task of conducting^ the Congress far more 
trying than in the previous year, because so many speakers 
exceeded their time limit and then appealed to the assembly 
for permission to continue when called upon to finish. There 
were also heated exchanges when Herzl found it necessary 
to request speakers to keep to the subject, and at one stage 
some Socialists indulged in such obstruction that Mandel- 
stamm proposed that they should be excluded— a suggestion 
that Herzl turned down. After three days of strenuous dis- 
cussion, with frequent meetings of sub-committees between 
the sessions, the agenda was not yet completed, and it was 
therefore necessary to have a final session, which began a 


half hour before midnight and continued until half-past 
four in the morning. By that time Herzl, like most of the 
delegates, must have been tired out, but he was nevertheless 
able to close the proceedings with some heartening words. 
He said that "Zionism is not only a sad necessity, it is also 
a glorious ideal." They were wandering forth. The moral 
wandering of the new Jews had begun. Whither would it 
lead them? Let them hope— to better days. 

When the Congress was over, Herzl was pleased to receive 
an unexpected telegram from the Sultan of Turkey, thank- 
ing him for the message of friendly greeting that had been 
dispatched a few days earlier. 


Mission to Palestine 


Hechler, went (on September 2, 1898) to see the Grand 
Duke of Baden, who was staying at a castle on the charming 
Isle of Mainau, near Constance. The Grand Duke welcomed 
them with every mark of friendship and a warmhearted 
assurance of his willingness to be of assistance. He informed 
them that the German Government had inquired, through 
its Ambassador in Constantinople, Herr von Marschall, about 
Turkey's attitude to Zionism, and had received a reply 
that the Sultan regarded the cause "with favorable eyes." He 
also said that he had given the Kaiser a full account of the 
Zionist movement, and that the latter had instructed the 
German Ambassador in Vienna, Count Philipp zu Eulen- 
burg, to study the question in detail and furnish him with 
a report. He explained that the Kaiser was now popular with 
the Sultan because he had withdrawn his troops from Crete 
(where there had been grave disturbances), that German 
influence at the Yildiz Kiosk was unlimited, and that if the 
Kaiser said a word to the Sultan it would certainly be taken 
to heart. Originally, the Emperor's journey to Palestine had 
been planned only as a religious act, but it had now assumed 
a political character, as he was going first to Constantinople 
to pay a visit to the lord of the land. 

Greatly heartened by this encouraging news, Herzl said 
it was desirable that he should speak to the Kaiser before 
the latter's departure, so that he should be in possession of 



the facts in the question. The Grand Duke expressed the 
fear that some Jewish circles might look upon support from 
the German Government as a manifestation of anti-Semi- 
tism, to which Herzl replied that Jews would have nothing 
against Zionism if only they were sure that it would not be 
construed as unpatriotic. The leaders of the Zionist move- 
ment, he said, were German writers, the lansruao-e of their 
Congress was German, and they would introduce a German 
cultural element into the Orient. "We need a Protectorate," 
concluded Herzl; "the German would suit us best." After a 
talk of nearly two hours, he took his leave, the Grand Duke 
shaking hands with him very heartily and reassuring him of 
his devotion to the cause. 

Herzl thereupon wrote to Count Eulenburg that he had 
been informed by the Grand Duke of the instructions he 
had received from the Kaiser, and that he would like to 
speak to the latter before he left for Constantinople. The 
Count promptly telegraphed that he would see him at the 
German Embassy on the following morning. Accordingly, 
Herzl, accompanied by Hechler, returned to Vienna at once, 
and as the Kaiser was then expected (on September 17) to 
attend the funeral of the Empress Elizabeth (who had been 
assassinated), he repeated his wish to have an audience. The 
Ambassador was unable to arrange it, but suggested that he 
should see the German Foreign Minister, Count von Biilow 
(1849-1929), who was also in Vienna. The next morning, 
therefore, Herzl was at the Embassy again and had his first 
meeting with Biilow. The latter, an experienced and astute 
diplomat, overwhelmed him with his amiability, said that 
he had read a great deal about him, and was glad to make 
his acquaintance. The effect of this effusive reception was 
that Herzl (as he admitted in his Diary) was taken off his 
guard: he spoke like a vain author, bent upon framing witty 


replies instead of engaging in a serious political discussion. 
Billow said that the Kaiser was by no means an anti-Semite, 
as he had been decried: he was only against "the destructive 
Jews," by which he meant those who belonged to the Social- 
ist party. When Herzl remarked that the Grand Duke of 
Baden regarded the Foreign Minister as best qualified to 
present so difficult and delicate a question as Zionism in a 
manner that would not provoke any objection, Biilow bowed 
as though deeply moved. The difficulty, said the latter, was 
to give the Sultan such advice as would induce him to re- 
ceive Herzl. "It would certainly make a great impression 
upon the Sultan if the Kaiser gave him such advice." 

After three-quarters of an hour, Biilow broke off the 
conversation to hurry off to the station to await his Imperial 
master. Herzl again asked to be introduced to the Kaiser, 
either in Vienna or in the train returning to Germany, but 
Biilow merely nodded smilingly, without uttering a syllable. 
Herzl then went to the office of Die Welt, where he waited 
until the evening, in the hope of receiving a message from 
the Embassy; but on hearing that the Emperor and his 
Minister had left for Germany, he decided to go to Paris, 
en route for The Hague and London, in connection with 
the affairs of the bank. 

In Paris, he again stayed at the Hotel Castille, and in the 
same room that he had previously occupied and at the same 
table on which he had written The Jewish State, he penned a 
long letter to Count Eulenburg, stating that his talk with 
Biilow had ended abruptly and again craving an audience 
with the Kaiser. He enforced his request by summarizing 
the advantages that would result from Zionism, both to 
the countries that the Jews would leave and to Turkey her- 
self, as well as to the non-Russian part of Europe; and he 
stressed that the Emperor's journey to the Holy Land could 


acquire the importance of a turning point in the history 
of the Orient if the return of the Jews were initiated thereby. 
Herzl told Nordau of his talks with the Grand Duke of 
Baden and Biilow, but his friend was skeptical about their 
value. He then went on to The Hague, to see the banker, 
Jacobus Kann (1872-1944), who was actively cooperating 
with Wolffsohn in the launching of the Jewish Colonial 
Trust, and Kann took him to the celebrated artist, Josef 
Israels, who was painting a picture of David playing the 
harp before Saul. Herzl spoke to Israels about Zionism and 
was pleased when he won him over. 

The objective that he was so anxious to achieve suddenly 
came within his reach. On October 1, he was in Amsterdam 
and called at the German Consulate for any letters. He was 
given one from Count Eulenburg, which he read with 
astonishment mingled with both joy and anxiety. It stated 
that the Kaiser would be disappointed if he did not see him, 
with a deputation, in Jerusalem. He felt at first like one 
stunned, as he immediately envisaged the serious conse- 
quences that might follow. If, at the end of his leave, instead 
of returning to the office of the Neue Freie Presse, he went 
to Palestine, he might lose his position. On the other hand, he 
could not ignore a wish of the Kaiser, which was a command. 
There could, therefore, be no hesitation, he reflected: he 
must take the risk. On returninsr to The Has^ue, he confided 
the startling news to Wolffsohn and Kann. He felt justified 
in doing so, as the letter spoke of a deputation, and they 
were two whom he at once thought of taking with him. 
They were all agreed that this latest development made it 
more necessary than ever to speed up the launching of the 


On arriving in London with his colleagues on October 2, 
he stayed at the Burlington Hotel, in Cork Street, which was 
the scene of considerable bustle for the next few days. The 
members of the bank committee were not all agreed about 
the necessity of establishing the Jewish Colonial Trust as 
soon as possible: the majority, including Colonel Goldsmid 
and Herbert Bentwich (who had not been informed of the 
news about the Kaiser), were in favor of delay. But Herzl, 
Wolffsohn, and Kann insisted upon exerting the utmost 
pressure, and jointly provided the money for the registration 
and opening of the bank. A total of two hundred thousand 
shares had already been applied for, and Herzl was at the 
head of the list, with two thousand. It was the largest amount 
for a man of his means— "although the thing will not and 
dare not bring me in anything," Candidates for the post 
of manager were interviewed, so that no time might be lost 
in getting the bank to begin operations. During the dis- 
cussion about the means for providing the manager's salary, 
Isaac Seligman proposed that, instead of a bank, they should 
found a Jewish Colonization Society, for which he thought 
that five million pounds could be raised, and which would 
be regarded by the "big" bankers favorably. Herzl replied 
that he would agree to stop the founding of the bank if the 
Colonization Society were formed, but that he would mean- 
while go ahead with his own plans. Seligman's idea proved 

After one of his numerous meetings, Herzl was taken by 
Sidney Whitman to the Athenaeum Club and was introduced 
to the Bishop of London (Dr. Mandell Creighton, the his- 
torian), whom he sought to interest in Zionism. 

The most important event of his stay in London was a 


mass demonstration, on October 3, that he addressed in the 
Great Assembly Hall in Whitechapel. The vast hall was 
packed in every nook and cranny and in all its galleries with 
an enthusiastic crowd of about seven thousand, while outside 
more than three thousand men and women clamored in vain 
for admittance. It was a scene such as had never been wit- 
nessed before in the history of London Jewry. Herzl, who was 
given an uproarious ovation, spoke (in German) for over an 
hour in his usual moderate and measured tones. He replied 
at first to the various attacks made upon Zionism, refuted 
the charge that it had caused or would cause anti-Semitism, 
and declared that Judaism had no other mission than to 
work with other nations in the cause of common humanity. 
Then, under the impact of the sensational letter from Count 
EulenburCT, he said: 

1 shall not draw you a picture of the return, for it will soon 
begin. I can assure you of this, that we are now not very distant 
from the date. I know well what I say, I never yet spoke so 
distinctly. Today I tell you that I do not hold the time as far 
distant when the Jews will get into motion. 

He spoke of the organized emigration that would be 
necessary, of the help that would surely be forthcoming 
from the Jewish philanthropic bodies, and of the employ- 
ment of the people on the land. "Do you believe the Jews 
will go if we get the land?" he exclaimed. "Answer me!" 
There were shouts of "Yes, yes!" from the audience. He 
continued in the same confident and optimistic strain: 

I beg you to take me at my word, even if it is an indefinite 
one. Perhaps you will remember what I have told you, that we 
have reached a great stage, and I hope that if I come again, 
even in one year, we will be in quite another situation. 


When Herzl concluded, there was a tremendous storm of 
applause, which was renewed when the venerable Rabbi 
Werner, the spiritual head of the most orthodox congregation 
in London, rose to speak and said that they should return 
thanks to the Almighty for sending them such a leader. A 
further outburst of cheering greeted Father Ignatius, who, 
in his monk's habit, presented a dramatic figure as he passion- 
ately affirmed his belief in Zionism as "the fulfillment of the 
words of Ezekiel" and lauded Herzl as "your new Joshua." 
The effect of Herzl's speech was reflected a few days later in 
the Jewish World, which wrote: "The time is not far off: 
realization is nearer than people have imagined." But the 
Jewish Chronicle, which was then still in anti-Zionist hands, 
deplored the meeting in support of "a petty dependency at 
the mercy of a feeble Moslem potentate," and stressed that 
"the Sultan will not voluntarily submit his territory to 
further mutilation." 

From London, Herzl traveled straight to Berlin to see 
Count Eulenburg, who was staying at his country estate at 
Liebenberg. On arriving at the station of Lowenberg, he 
was met by the Count's coachman, who drove him in a 
hunting-carriage to the estate, which was a half hour's jour- 
ney away. The Count gave him a cordial welcome, and 
after introducing him to his wife and the rest of his family, 
took him for a stroll through the grounds. He assured Herzl 
that he had "succeeded in making the Kaiser warm for the 
cause," as he could speak to him "differently from others." 
This was no exaggeration, as, during the first half of the 
reign of Emperor William II, Count Philipp Eulenburg 
was, indeed, one of the powers behind the throne. He stated 


that Billow, his best friend, had also been won over, and 
when Herzl remarked that he had found Biilow in Vienna 
not keen, the Count replied that it was because it was their 
first meeting. "The main thing," stressed the Ambassador, 
"is not what he said to you, but what he said to me when 
I persuaded him. I have convinced him." Herzl thanked him 
very warmly. His host then said: "Perhaps the moment will 
come when I shall demand favors from you." Herzl declared 
that he would always be grateful and was willing to give 
proof of his gratitude. "No, not now," said the other. "The 
opportunity may perhaps come." 

Count Eulenburg told Herzl that he should in any case 
go to Constantinople, and that the Kaiser wished to receive 
a Zionist deputation in Jerusalem. His Majesty had fully 
accepted the idea of a Protectorate in Palestine and had no 
doubt that the Sultan would accept his advice, as the latter 
was convinced of his friendship. And the Kaiser had said 
he could "defend his intervention on behalf of the Jews 
before his people." 

"Wunderbar, ivunderbar!" commented Herzl in his Diary. 

The Zionist leader thereupon suggested that, if the pre- 
liminary steps were to be kept secret, it would be better that 
the Kaiser should receive him in Berlin or Constantinople. 
Eulenburg replied that, as it was the question of a Protector- 
ate, the matter could not be kept secret for long, and that 
it was well to come out into the open immediately. The 
world would have to reconcile itself to it. Herzl thouo;ht 
that the only right thing was to accept the German Protec- 
torate, as it was offered, and that "the most beneficial effects 
for the national character of the Jews would follow." The 
legal position would also be clear: the Suzerainty of the 
Porte and the Protectorate of Germany would be adequate 
legal pillars. The only question was whether it should be 


a combination of Suzerainty and Protectorate or one of the 
two. Developments would show. 

In commenting in his Diary on his long interview with 
Count EulenburCT, Herzl wrote that he did not know what 
he had meant by "favors," but that, whatever they were, he 
would render them, so that everybody who came into contact 
with him should gain an opinion of the Jew difEerent from 
that which was common.^ 

On returning to his hotel in Berlin, Herzl received a wire 
from the Grand Duke of Baden asking him to come to see 
him at the palace in Potsdam at eight o'clock the next 
morning. Despite this early hour, which necessitated rising at 
half-past five, Herzl presented himself at the palace punctu- 
ally, and was ushered through a succession of magnificent 
apartments to the beautiful salon in which he was greeted by 
the Grand Duke in the uniform of a general. "I no longer 
know what he in his kindness said to me on receiving me," 
wrote Herzl. "I only know that I love and revere this wise, 
good, and great man. I have never in my life seen such a 
thoroughly noble man; I never believed that there are such 
princes as he is." In the course of a two-hour conversation, 
the Grand Duke said that the Kaiser had made a thorough 
study of the question and was full of enthusiasm. "This 
word does not say too much," he emphasized; "he is taken 
up with your idea quite enthusiastically." He told Herzl 
that the Kaiser would already have received him, but that 
it was now thought better that he should see him in Con- 
stantinople and Jerusalem. A good report had come from 
Herr von Marschall, the Ambassador at the Porte, and the 

1 Count Philipp Eulenburg, in 1908, had to face a sensational trial on the 
charge of immorality, and it is possible that he was already indulging, ten 
years before then, in practices that led to it, and thought that Herzl might 
defend him in the press. 


Emperor believed that the Sultan would accept his counsel 
favorably. Finally, the Grand Duke advised Herzl to see 
Billow, who was also at the palace in Potsdam. Herzl there- 
fore returned to his hotel in the vicinity, sent a message to 
the Foreign Secretary, which brought a prompt reply, and 
a few hours later was back at the palace. 

He was received by Biilow in the company of another 
man— "a little, crooked old man, laden with orders, and 
with a yellow sash over his Court dress." It was the Imperial 
Chancellor, Prince Hohenlohe. He gave Herzl a look that 
was anything but encouraging, and it was from his lips that 
the Zionist leader heard the first anti-Semitic utterance in 
these high circles. "Do you think that the Jews will abandon 
their stock exchange and go with you? The Jews who are 
well established here in Berlin?" Herzl replied that not the 
Jews of the West End but those of the East and the North, 
those who were poor, would go with him. The Chancellor 
continued to ply him with questions that betrayed his hos- 
tility all too clearly. He wanted to know what tracts of land 
the Zionists wanted, whether any part was beyond Beirut, 
and from whom the land would be purchased. 
"And you want to found a State there?" he asked. 
Herzl: "We want autonomy and self-protection." 
Hohenlohe: "What does Turkey say to this?" 
Herzl: "The Grand Duke told me that favorable reports 
have been received from Herr von Marschall." 

Biilow, who was sitting in a corner of the sofa near 
Hohenlohe's armchair, interjected: "Nothing is known to 
me. I have had nothing about it from Marschall in my 
hands." Herzl did not allow himself to be disconcerted, but 
said that he had reports that the atmosphere in Constan- 
tinople was favorable. The Chancellor then asked some 
skeptical questions about the number prepared to emigrate 


and the means available. Herzl referred to the various Jewish 
funds which, in the event of serious developments, would 
combine, and mentioned that one of them amounted to 
ten million pounds. "That is much," commented Biilow, 
and, looking at Hohenlohe, he said: "The money will per- 
haps do it. With that we shall be able to tackle the matter." 
Hohenlohe remained silent, then rose to leave for lunch 
Avith the Kaiser and shook Herzl by the hand. Biilow pre- 
pared to follow and said: "Auf Wiedersehen in Constanti- 
nople, Herr Doktor!" Herzl inquired where he would be 
received by the Kaiser— in Constantinople and Jerusalem? 
"In any case, only once," replied Biilow. "Then," said Herzl, 
"I am to submit in Constantinople the address that I should 
deliver in Jerusalem?" "Certainly," replied Biilow, as he 
hurried after Hohenlohe. 

Herzl left the palace in a state of perplexity and depres- 
sion. He reflected that either the two principal heads of the 
German Government did not aOTee with the views of their 
Imperial lord, or else that it was a characteristic of official 
diplomacy to pretend indifference even in matters that 
aroused their keenest interest. He ^vas nevertheless unfavor- 
ably struck by the sharp contradiction between what the 
Grand Duke and Eulenburg had told him about the views 
of Marschall and Biilow, on the one hand, and the frigid 
attitude of Biilow and Hohenlohe, on the other, which he 
had just experienced himself. He began to have misgivings, 
and thought that even the best intentions of the Kaiser 
were often later "corrected, denied, and altered" by his 
advisers; but he also sought to console himself with the hope 
that "in the worst event our idea, even as the abandoned 
sweetheart of the German Emperor, will be taken up by 


He was back again in Vienna on October 11. His first task 
was to inform Benedikt and Bacher of his impending de- 
parture for Palestine. There was a painful scene, in which 
his principals made no effort to conceal both their annoy- 
ance and their envy. They could not well raise any objection 
to a member of their staff complying with an invitation from 
the German Emperor to meet him in the Holy Land, but, 
since he was going as the Zionist leader, they did not feel 
anything of the reflected glory they would have enjoyed if 
he had been invited as representative of the Neue Freie 
Presse. Herzl asked them to furnish him with an introduc- 
tion to the Austrian Ambassador in Constantinople, but 
they only gave him an evasive reply, which prompted him 
to note in his Diary that Bacher caused him more heartburn 
than Hohenlohe himself. He then applied himself to the 
selection of the deputation that was to accompany him on 
the momentous mission. He at first thought of inviting Nor- 
dau, Gaster, and Mandelstamm, as members of the Praesid- 
ium of the last Congress, and Oskar Marmorek, a colleague 
in the Executive, but for various reasons, they were un- 
available. He finally chose his most trusted confidant, Wolff- 
sohn, and the latter's friend, the lawyer Max Bodenheimer, 
Dr. Schnirer, who had the twofold qualification of being a 
physician and a member of the Vienna Executive, and an 
engineer, Seidener, who had the advantage of previous ac- 
quaintance with Palestine. 

Before setting out on the journey, Herzl called on the 
Turkish Ambassador for introductions to people in authority 
in Constantinople. The Ambassador smilingly declined his 
request by relating an Oriental anecdote, but assured him that 
he would give a favorable reply if an inquiry were addressed 


to him. Herzl then found time to read a new comedy, Unser 
Kdthchen (which he had begun some years before), to a 
group of actors at the Burg Theatre, as he fek that his 
connection with the Neue Freie Presse was imperiled, and 
he wished to make some sort of provision for the future. 
He did not take formal leave of Benedikt and Bacher, as 
he wanted to avoid another unpleasant scene, but sent the 
latter the key of his desk (which contained some feuilletons 
for publication) with a facetious note. When the moment 
for departure approached, he felt a little apprehensive, as a 
report had reached him from the Hebrew journalist, Ben- 
Yehuda, through Dr. Werner (editor of Die Welt), that an 
attempt might be made upon his life; but his conscience 
told him that it was his duty to go. He was deeply moved 
when his parents wept at the parting. "They would be the 
only ones who would not be consoled," he wrote, "if I did 
not come back. That I should then become a figure in world 
history would be no comfort for my poor old folks." 

In the train on the way to Constantinople, he worked out 
with Bodenheimer the details of the demands that he should 
put forward: the territory extending from the Egyptian 
frontier to the Euphrates, with a transitional period under 
a Jewish Governor, and later the same relation as between 
Egypt and the Sultan, the Jewish Administration to begin 
when the Jews formed two-thirds of the total population. 

On arriving in the Turkish capital on October 15, the 
deputation put up at the Hotel de Londres. Herzl sent 
Bodenheimer to the German Embassy to arrange an inter- 
view for him, but the latter soon returned with the message 
that Herr von Marschall did not know the Zionist leader 


and could not receive him, as he was going to the Dardanelles 
to meet the Kaiser. Thereupon Herzl wrote a long letter 
to the Kaiser, setting forth the object that he had in view 
and asking for a private audience as soon as possible, as he 
and the members of the deputation were leaving on a Rus- 
sian steamer for Alexandria at ten the next morning in order 
to reach Palestine in time. He enclosed it with a covering 
letter to the Court Marshal, Count August zu Eulenburg, 
wrote a further letter to Biilow, who was with the Kaiser, 
and handed them all to Wolff sohn to deliver at Yildiz Kiosk, 
where a small palace had been specially built for the ac- 
commodation of the Imperial party. Several hours later, he 
received a reply requesting him to present himself at half- 
past four. He was feverishly excited at the prospect of the 
momentous interview, ate and drank sparsely to be in good 
form, had his pulse felt and decided not to take a sedative, 
and dressed immaculately. He set out for Yildiz Kiosk ac- 
companied by Wolffsohn, but, when he arrived at the palace, 
he was kept waiting for nearly two hours before being 
ushered into the monarch's presence. 

The Kaiser gave him a friendly welcome and asked him 
to be seated in an armchair near Biilow. Herzl felt his heart 
beating violently when he began to speak, but he soon 
controlled himself and spoke calmly. He recapitulated the 
proposal that he had already made in his letter, that a 
concession should be granted by the Sultan for "a Jewish 
land company for Syria and Palestine" under a German 
Protectorate. The Kaiser nodded approvingly at the mention 
of such a concession, and explained why the Zionist move- 
ment appealed to him. He spoke to Herzl of the Jews as 
"your countrymen," and said that he had no doubt that 
the Zionists, with the men and the money at their disposal, 
would succeed in carrying out the colonization of Palestine. 


He referred in particular to Jewish "usurers" among the 
rural population in Hesse, and remarked that it would be 
good if they were settled in Palestine. Herzl was annoyed at 
this identification of the Jews in general with a few money- 
lenders and delivered a brief speech against anti-Semitism. 
The Emperor continued by saying that he believed the 
Jews would go in for the colonization of Palestine if they 
knew that he extended his protection over it, as they would 
feel that they were not really leaving Germany. The Zionist 
leader then observed that the time was favorable; France was 
internally weak and would not oppose the plan, as the French 
Army had suffered through the Dreyfus affair. Thereupon 
the Kaiser spoke with astonishing candor, making it quite 
clear that the Jewish officer was totally innocent of any 
dealings with Germany. When Herzl explained the some- 
what intricate plan of the loan to be offered to Turkey and 
said that the matter seemed to him quite natural, the Kaiser 
responded: "To me, too. It will certainly make an im- 
pression if the German Emperor concerns himself about 
this and shows an interest in it. . . . After all, I am actually 
the only one who still stands by the Sultan. He attaches some 
importance to me." Finally, he said: "Just tell me in one 
word what 1 should demand from the Sultan." 

"A Chartered Company— under German protection," was 
Herzl's reply. 

"Good! A Chartered Company," repeated the Kaiser. He 
asked Herzl to write out the address he intended delivering 
in Jerusalem and to hand it to Biilow, with whom he would 
go through it. He then shook hands vigorously with the 
Zionist leader and left the room. 

As Herzl descended the stairs with Biilow, the latter 
eagerly advised him to go to Marschall and discuss the matter 
with him, as the Ambassador would give him "exact in- 


formation." Biilow added significantly: "I believe that the 
Turks are at present unfavorably disposed." Herzl hurried 
off in the carriage in which Wolffsohn was waiting for him 
to the German Embassy, only to find that Marschall had 
already gone to the gala dinner in honor of the Kaiser. His in- 
ability to reach Marschall before leaving Constantinople, 
and the lack of an opportunity to dispel any of his doubts, 
for which Herzl was in no way to blame, may perhaps have 
contributed in some measure to the ultimate failure of his 

He at once returned to his hotel, informed his companions 
of the day's events, and then, while Wolffsohn was packing 
his trunks, worked on the draft of his address until eleven 
o'clock. Worn out by fatigue, he slept until four in the 
morniuCT, rose and lit all the twelve candles in his room, 
wrote for another half hour, and sank back on the bed ex- 
hausted. At six he was up again, finished as much as he 
could up to half-past eight, and sent off the draft with a 
covering letter to Biilow. He had only enough time left to 
get ready for departure and to hasten with his companions 
to the harbor, where they boarded the steamer for Alex- 
andria. From there, they transferred to a smaller Russian 
vessel, on which all five had to occupy one cabin. Very early 
on the morning of their approach to Jaffa, Herzl was up to 
catch the first glimpse of the Holy Land. He woke Wolffsohn 
with the words: "Come, David, get dressed. Let us go to 
see our beloved motherland." They both went on deck, and 
as they beheld the coast line they embraced, tears trickled 
from their eyes, and they whispered softly: "Our country, 
our mother Zion!"^ 

2 Theodor Herzl: A Memorial, edited by M. W. Weisgal, p. 76. 


Herzl and his companions landed on October 26 in Jaffa, 
and lost no time in going to see the Jewish settlements that 
were nearest. They drove first to the agricultural school of 
Mikveh Israel, established by the French Alliance Israelite in 
1870, and then, through desolate landscape, to Rishon le- 
Zion, where they inspected the extensive wine cellars built by 
the bounty of Baron Edmond de Rothschild. News of their 
visit soon spread through the neighborhood and brought 
a deputation, with "well-meant music." One of the colonists 
made a speech of welcome, in which he tried to show that 
their sense of obligation to the Baron was in harmony with 
their love for Herzl, whereupon the latter advised them to 
be thankful to the Baron, although their aims were different. 
The travelers visited the comfortable home of one of the 
colonists and the poorly furnished house of some laborers, 
and were depressed on hearing from Dr. Mazie, the local 
physician, of the prevalence of fever in all the Jewish settle- 
ments—an evil that could be remedied only by drainage. 
A half hour's further journey brought them to the little 
colony of Wady el-Chanin, where they were welcomed by 
the entire population, and where Herzl was presented by 
an old man with bread, salt, and wine from his own land. 
Then on to Rehoboth, where they were greeted by a caval- 
cade of about twenty young men on horseback, who per- 
formed a sort of fantasia around them while singing Hebrew 
songs. Tears of joy came to the visitors as they gazed at the 
spectacle, and they were soon the center of a jubilant dem- 
onstration by the whole population, with the children sing- 
ing. They returned to Jaffa tired out. 

As the Rev. William Hechler had now arrived, Herzl 
asked him to inform the German Court Marshal, Count 


August Eulenburg, that he would await the Emperor the 
next morning on the road to Mikveh Israel. Punctually at 
nine, Herzl was there with his friends, and as he saw the 
Kaiser's party approaching, accompanied by a Turkish armed 
guard, he signaled to the Mikveh children's choir, who 
struck up the German national anthem. The Emperor ad- 
vanced on his horse toward Herzl, who doffed his cork 
helmet and shook the outstretched hand, and there was a 
brief exchange of greetings. The Kaiser said that it was very 
hot, "but the land has a future." Herzl replied: "At present 
it is still sick," to which the other returned: "It needs water, 
much water!" 

"Yes, your Majesty," agreed Herzl, "canalization on a large 

The Kaiser repeated: "It is a land of the future," shook 
Herzl's hand again, and rode off with his retinue. The 
Empress, who was in front, nodded to the Zionist leader 
with a smile, and he also had a friendly greeting from the 
Court Marshal. The Rothschild administrators looked on in 
astonishment. Wolffsohn took two quick snapshots of the 
scene and believed that he had secured a historic souvenir, 
but the films, on being examined, proved useless. 

The reception of the deputation was to take place in the 
vicinity of Jerusalem, and the travelers therefore took the 
train from Jaffa to the Holy City. The heat was terrific and 
the carriage crowded and stuffy, with the result that Herzl 
became feverish. He gradually grew weaker, and by the time 
the journey was over, night had fallen and the Sabbath had 
begun. Herzl felt so exhausted that he wanted to take a 
carriage to the hotel, which was a half hour's walk away, but 
his friends restrained him from what would have been 
regarded as a violation of the Sabbath. He therefore tottered 
along with the aid of a stick, supported on the other side 


alternately by Wolffsohn and Schub (Rothschild's agent), but 
he was nevertheless deeply moved by the beauty of the city in 
the moonlight. On reaching their hotel, where he was given 
a small uncomfortable bedroom, he took some quinine and 
was sick. Dr. Schnirer rubbed him with camphorated al- 
cohol and he fell asleep. 

Fortunately, he recovered by morning, but he felt too 
weak to go out and therefore sat at the windoTv, surveying 
the magnificence of the scene before him. On the following 
day, he and his friends went to see the Western Wall, that 
venerable and imposing relic of the Second Temple, but 
their emotions were saddened by the sight of blear-eyed 
beggars clamoring for alms. They were painfully impressed 
by the dirt, decay, and dark ugly hovels, which they found 
in abundance, and Herzl, in his Diary, recorded the resolve 
that, if and when Jerusalem came into Jewish possession, 
they would clean it up thoroughly and build beyond the 
moldering remnants of the old city a modern and beautiful 
new Jerusalem. 

Anxious to learn when the Kaiser would receive the depu- 
tation, Herzl, who had meanwhile left the hotel for a private 
house, sent Wolffsohn (on October 29) to the Court Marshal 
with a letter and the text of his address. He awaited a reply 
with increasing impatience, as he was anxious to leave the 
country immediately after the audience and before his fear 
that he might be ordered by the Turkish authorities to quit 
was realized. At last, on November 1, he was summoned to 
the tent, in the German encampment, of the Legation Coun- 
sellor Kemeth, a young official of haughty bearing. The 
latter returned the address to him with some passages de- 
leted, and requested him to submit a fresh copy with those 
passages omitted, together with the corrected manuscript, so 
that he could compare the two. He also added that nothing 


might be published about the audience except what would 
be permitted. Herzl was peeved by the arrogant tone and 
impertinent remarks of the official, but suppressed his feel- 
ings. By the evening, Bodenheimer returned the fair copy 
and the orig^inal, on the back of which had been written in 
pencil the name of Tewhk Pasha— the Turkish Foreign Min- 

At noon on the following day, November 2 (a day ren- 
dered more memorable nineteen years later by the issue of 
the Balfour Declaration), the deputation, all in evening dress 
and silk hats, drove in the oppressive heat and through 
clouds of chalky dust to the Emperor's grand marquee. They 
were preceded by Hechler, who carried an album of views 
of the Jewish colonies in a costly wrapping for delivery to 
the Court Marshal. Herzl introduced his four companions 
to the Kaiser, who touched his helmet as each name was 
mentioned. He then bes^an to read his revised address, which 
Billow followed in the copy in his hand. He referred to the 
long historic connection of the Jewish people with Palestine, 
the memory of which had always been a source of consola- 
tion to them in their hours of suffering. Zionism was a fully 
modern movement that linked up with present-day condi- 
tions, seeking to solve the Jewish question through the 
possibilities of the time, and its adherents believed that it 
would succeed because of the wealth of technical achieve- 
ments available. The land of their fathers cried out for 
people who would cultivate it, and these people cried out 
for a land that they wished to cultivate. The Zionist leaders 
considered the cause so good that they invoked the help of 
his Imperial Majesty. They would not venture on the project 
if it could in any way affect the interests of the Sultan, and 
the friendship of his Majesty for the Sultan was so well 
known that there could be no doubt about the intentions 


of those who turned to him for his "most gracious interven- 
tion." They were "planning the establishment of a Jewish 
land company for Syria and Palestine, which should take the 
great work in hand," and were convinced that the realization 
of the project would also be of benefit to Turkey herself.* 

Of the passages that had been deleted from the original 
draft, one referred to the resurgence of the Zionist idea 
among the Jews whenever they were subjected to persecu- 
tion, and the other stressed the revival of their national 
consciousness and set forth the terms of the Basle Program. 
But by far the most significant excision consisted of ten 
words immediately following the phrase "the great work 
in hand," namely: "and crave for this company the protec- 
tion of the German Emperor." The whole purpose of the 
deputation and the address, as understood by Herzl, was to 
secure an official declaration of this protection, and there- 
fore the suppression of those words reduced what would have 
been an act of political importance to an ephemeral cere- 

The Kaiser thanked the Zionist leader for his statement 
and said that the matter required thorough study and further 
discussion. He assured him of his continued interest and said 
that the land needed water and shade. 

"That is what we can bring to the country," replied Herzl. 
"It will cost milliards, but will also bring in milliards." 

"Yes, money you have enough," emphasized the Kaiser 
jovially, slapping his topboot with his riding whip. "More 
money than all of us." And Biilow endorsed the oracular 
utterance: "Yes, you have the money, which causes us so 
many difficulties, in plenty." 

Herzl referred to the potentialities of the water power of 
the Jordan, and drew Seidener, as engineer, into the con- 

3 Tagebucher, vol. II, pp. 181-182. 


versation; and when mention was made of the health condi- 
tions, Schnirer was asked for his views. The Kaiser then 
concluded the audience by shaking hands with Herzl, and 
the deputation withdrew. 

After they had left, Herzl remarked to Schnirer: "He has 
said neither 'yes' nor 'no.' " He reflected that apparently 
much had happened since the audience in Constantinople, 
but nevertheless thought that the expedition had ended 
"with a fairly good result," a view that he afterward revised. 
A few hours later, he planted a young cedar on the estate 
of a pioneer settler named Broze, and Wolffsohn planted a 
date palm. Anxious now to leave the country as soon as 
possible, they all departed by the first train on the following 
morning for Jaffa. They were obliged, however, to wait yet 
another day, as there was no boat available, and were ex- 
posed to the continued inquisitiveness of friends and the 
pestering attentions of spies and beggars. 

At last they set sail on November 5. The only boat leaving 
for Alexandria was a small English orange-freighter, of three 
hundred fifty tons displacement, but Herzl felt safer on this 
rocking cockleshell than in the land where he ran the risk 
of arrest or deportation; and although three of his fellow 
travelers (not Wolffsohn, who never questioned his chief's 
decisions) at first rebelled at the prospect of entrusting them- 
selves to such a puny vessel, they finally acquiesced. Soon 
after they were out on the open sea, it began to pitch and 
roll violently, and as the heat in the cabins was stifling, they 
took the mattresses on to the deck and slept under the stars. 
It was a rough passage, from which only Herzl and Schnirer 


suffered no ill effects, and there was general relief on reach- 
ing Alexandria. 

Herzl immediately looked through all the English and 
French papers that he could get, to find out whether any- 
thing had been printed about his audience with the Kaiser, 
and as his search was in vain, he wired to his father. He soon 
received the telegraphic reply: "Audience known," and there- 
upon wired a message for publication in Die Welt. He re- 
garded this not as a violation of the secrecy imposed upon 
him by the German bureaucrats, but merely as an official 
confirmation of a report already known. Not until they 
arrived in Naples, to which they had sailed on a comfortable 
Italian liner, did Herzl read in the press the following dis- 
patch of a news agency about his audience: 

Jerusalem, 2 November.— Emperor William received a Jewish 
deputation, who presented an album with views of the Jewish 
colonies established in Palestine. In reply to the address of the 
leader of the deputation. Emperor William said that his benev- 
olent interest could be counted upon for all those efforts that 
aimed at the improvement of the agriculture of Palestine for 
the benefit of the welfare of the Turkish Empire, with full 
regard for the sovereignty of the Sultan. 

Herzl was annoyed by this insipid communique , which he 
attributed to the Leration Counsellor or to Biilow himself. 
His companions were depressed, whereupon he declared that 
he would see to it that a version that he regarded as suitable 
was published. He also reproached them for being so dis- 
pirited, and said that the fact that he remained undiscour- 
aged showed that he was entitled to the leadership. On 
subsequent reflection, he noted in his Diary that it was ex- 
cellent for the further development of the movement that 
the Kaiser had not assumed the Protectorate, as, although 


it would have been of immediate advantage, they would in 
the long run have to pay "the heaviest usurious interest." 
Herzl was back in Vienna on November 18, and lost no 
time in trying to find out what reasons had influenced 
Emperor William to change his mind. He wrote a letter to 
the Grand Duke of Baden and also sent Hechler to see him. 
When the latter returned, he reported that the main objec- 
tion in the eyes of the Kaiser consisted of the variety of 
nationalities of the Jews in Palestine, and that there were 
too many French-protected subjects. Herzl therefore wrote 
again to the Grand Duke, suggesting how these difficulties 
could be solved, and asking him to intervene again with 
the Kaiser. He also had a long conversation at the German 
Embassy with Count Eulenburg, who gave him a somewhat 
similar explanation: the Kaiser was favorably impressed by 
the Zionist leader himself but was displeased with the Jews 
in Jerusalem.* Herzl could not help concluding that this 
was merely a pretext and that the real reason lay in con- 
siderations of international policy advanced by the Kaiser's 
political advisers and in the Sultan's unfavorable attitude. 
That this was the most probable explanation was strongly 
indicated by the undisguised antagonism of the German 
Chancellor and the hardly less concealed antipathy of the 
Ambassador in Constantinople, as well as by the marked 
cooling-off of Billow. It was further confirmed, more than 
three years later, by the Grand Duke of Baden, who, when 
receiving a delegation of German Zionists in 1902, men- 
tioned that the Kaiser had twice attempted to discuss the 
question of Palestine with the Sultan at the gala dinner in 

4 More than two years later, on January 3, 1901, Eulenburg told HerH 
that the Sultan declined the Kaiser's suggestion regarding the Zionists so 
brusquely that it was impossible to pursue the matter further (Tagebiicher, 
vol. II, p. 523). 


his honor, but was met by an ostentatious lack of under- 
standing.^ It was a sore disappointment for Herzl at the time 
—one of tlie many that he had to suffer— but, in the light of 
subsequent events and especially of developments in the 
First World War, the failure of his mission was unquestion- 
ably fortunate. 

Had he lived to read the Memoirs of Prince von Biilow, 
he would have been more astonished than ever, for the 
statesman who was present at the audience with the Kaiser 
in the marquee near Jerusalem and carefully followed, with 
a copy in his hand, every word of the address that Herzl read, 
actually wrote that no such audience in Palestine ever took 
place. In his account of the Kaiser's visit to the Holy Land, 
Biilow described his contact with the Zionist deputation 
in the following few sentences: 

In front of the gate by which he entered, a deputation of 
Zionists wanted to address the Kaiser. At their head was Dr. 
Theodor Herzl, a clever Viennese journalist, filled with sacred 
zeal for the cause of Zionism. He had been presented to the Kaiser 
by the Grand Duke of Baden. William II was at first fired with 
enthusiasm for the Zionist idea, because he hoped by this means 
to free his country from many elements which were not par- 
ticularly sympathetic to him. When, however, the then Turkish 
Ambassador in Berlin, who accompanied us on our Near Eastern 
tour, had made it clear that the Sultan would have nothing to 
do with Zionism and an independent Jewish kingdom, he 
dropped the Zionist cause and refused to receive its advocates 
in Zion.6 

5 Article by Max I. Bodenheimer in Theodor Herzl: A Memorial. 

6 Prince von Biilow; Memoirs, 1897--1903, vol. f , pp. 249-250. The denial of 
Herzl's audience with the Kaiser was by no means the only instance of gross 
misrepresentation in this book, as is clear from the publishers' preface in the 
original German work, of which Volume I appeared in 1930, a year after 
Billow's death. They state that in their agreement with him, made in 1921, it 
was provided that the Memoirs should only be published after his death and 


As the editor of von Billow's Memoirs, Franz von Stock- 
hammern, paid a tribute in his preface to the author's "un- 
usually powerful memory, a memory that belonged to him 
through his public life and lasted to extreme old age," and 
likewise to his careful verification of every sentence, it is 
hardly probable that this untrue version was due to a lapse of 
memory. One can therefore only express amazement that 
a statesman of eminence should have stooped to so mean and 
malicious a falsification of history. If any proof were needed 
of the truth of the Psalmist's dictum, "Put not your trust in 
princes," this conduct of Prince von Biilow should serve as 
a classic illustration. 

that no alterations of any kind should be made. The editor. Von Stock- 
hammern, died before the actual printing began. 


Trie Quest for a Charter 


audience with the Kaiser, Herzl, early in 1899, decided to 
make an effort to approach the Tsar. He wrote a letter to the 
famous apostle of peace, Baroness von Suttner (1843-1914), 
who had already expressed sympathy for Zionism, requesting 
her to invoke the interest of Count Muraviev, the Russian 
Foreign Minister, in the cause. He urged her to apply all 
her persuasive powers, to point out that Zionism would 
bring an end to the persecution of the Jews in Russia, that 
it would involve the departure only of the proletariat and 
the desperate, and would thus bring about a lessening of 
Jewish support for socialism, nihilism, and anarchism. A 
few days later, the Baroness told him that she had seen the 
Russian Ambassador, Kapnist, who informed her that Mur- 
aviev had written that an audience was at present out of the 
question, "although the motives of the Zionists were favor- 
ably acknowledged." 

Turned down by Russia, Herzl next thought of approach- 
ing the Vatican. He called on the Nuncio in Vienna, Tag- 
liani, who was personally not unfriendly to the cause. The 
latter said that the Vatican had always been favorably dis- 
posed toward the Jews (a statement that Herzl tactfully 
refrained from disputing), and suggested that Newlinsky 
should be sent to Rome, where he had the best connections, 
to make preliminary soundings. Herzl had already given his 
diplomatic agent money for a visit to Rome, even before he 



set out for Palestine, but Newlinsky did not undertake the 
journey, owing to his poor state of health. 

Throughout the early months of 1899, Herzl was in a 
mood of depression, owing partly to the impasse that he had 
reached in the political sphere and partly to the lack of 
progress in floating the Jewish Colonial Trust. At the end of 
February, he went to Karlsruhe for another talk with the 
Grand Duke of Baden, and on the evening of his arrival 
he had a conference there with Wolffsohn and Jacobus Kann, 
lasting until midnight, about their difficulties with the bank. 
They told him that they feared the campaign to secure sub- 
scriptions would prove disastrous, as not a single reputable 
bank was willing to accept deposits for the shares. All the 
Jewish banks, whether important or not, seemed to have 
declared a boycott. They therefore urged him to secure the 
Grand Duke's help to obtain the cooperation of the Deutsche 
Bank in Berlin. The Grand Duke was as amiable as ever. 
When Herzl proposed that he should assume the Protector- 
ate over the Land Colonization Society that the Kaiser had 
declined, he replied that he ^vas willing but that the Emperor 
must agree to it. Meanwhile, he gave Herzl a letter of in- 
troduction to the Deutsche Bank. The letter was passed on 
to Wolffsohn and Kann, who at once took it to Berlin to 
see the directors of the bank, but the interview proved fruit- 

On returning to Vienna, Herzl sent a telegram to Lucanus, 
the Secretary of the Imperial Civil Cabinet, asking for an- 
other audience with the Kaiser. After his previous experi- 
ence, he might have guessed the reply: the Kaiser could not 
see him, as he was about to start on a journey, but referred 
him to Billow. Not to be deterred, he addressed a long letter 
to the Emperor (with a covering letter to Lucanus), in which 
he set forth in detail his reasons for seeking another audi- 


ence: he was afraid that his Imperial Majesty's advisers had 
been influenced by Jews who were opponents of Zionism; 
he regretted that his Majesty had seen only the Jews crowded 
in Jerusalem, and not the Jewish colonies. He now desired 
from him only a word of encouragement, and he would 
then approach the Tsar. His request was again refused by 
Lucanus, but he would not give up. Although over four 
months had no^v elapsed since his barren mission to Jeru- 
salem, he wrote a long letter to Biilow, in which he expressed 
appreciation of the Foreign Minister's objections to Zionism, 
yet advanced further arguments in its support. He recalled 
that a German Protectorate had been promised, but the 
brief semi-official message of a news agency had reduced the 
audience on the matter to a mere nothing. He did not ex- 
pect that Billow would be converted by his arguments, but 
if his Excellency wished to see him, he would be ready to 
come at any moment. Shortly after he sent off this letter, he 
heard from Nordau that the Berlin correspondent of the 
Kolnische Zeitiing had spoken about the Zionist question to 
Biilow, who told him that the Emperor developed a sudden 
enthusiasm for a cause, but cooled off just as quickly. As 
for himself, Biilow did not believe in the thing, as the rich 
Jews did not want it and he would not have anything to do 
with "scurvy Polish Jews." 

Disappointed as he was by the lack of response from Ber- 
lin, he was far more worried at the time by the difficulties of 
launching the Jewish Colonial Trust. Not only were all the 
banks that had been asked to act as receiving centers for 
deposits on the shares utterly opposed, but some of the 
directors had still not given their signatures to the pros- 
pectus less than three weeks before it was due to be issued, 
while others, including even some in London, actually urged 
that the establishment of the bank should be postponed on 


the ground that it was premature. Although Herzl was 
anxious to be able to report positive progiess at the next 
Congress, in the coming summer, his nerves were becoming 
so frayed by the hostility in non-Zionist circles, on the one 
hand, and the excessive caution of some of his Zionist fellow 
workers, on the other, that at one sta^e he felt almost in- 
clined to give way to the demand for postponement. But 
his father, whom he always consulted when faced by a 
critical decision (as in the case of the attempts to induce 
him not to publish The Jewish State), advised him not to 
give way and stiffened his resistance. Accordingly, the Jewish 
Colonial Trust was registered in London on March 20, 1899, 
and the date fixed for the opening of the subscription list 
was set as March 28. On the following day, he received a 
telegram from London, reporting that the total number of 
shares so far applied for was only eight thousand. He sank 
into a gloomy depression. In his Diary, he noted that he was 
now in one of those moods in which Faust made a compact 
with the devil. "If anybody today were to promise me the 
success of the subscription," he wrote, "I would at once 
barter him ten years of my life." 

The Zionist leader was soon to be gravely preoccupied by 
another matter. Since he could not get the help of Kaiser or 
Tsar to secure an audience with the Sultan, he resolved to 
send Newlinsky to Constantinople, as he regarded him as 
the only one capable of achieving that object. The latter 
had been suffering from a bad heart for many years and was 
now in anything but satisfactory health. Herzl therefore 
consulted his family doctor, who said that Newlinsky could 
have an attack at any moment, whether in bed or on the 


train. He also asked Newlinsky himself if he were willing 
to undertake the journey, and he replied that he was eager, 
especially as he wanted to go south, while an unspoken 
motive was doubtless the desire that the Zionists should 
insure his future. Herzl therefore engaged a young doctor, 
Proborski, to accompany him, and, on March 30, the two^ 
together with the diplomat's wife, set out for Turkey. Three 
days later, Herzl received a telegram from the doctor in 
Constantinople, announcing that Newlinsky had suddenly 
died, that his body was being brought back, and asking for 
more money. He immediately dispatched a telegram to the 
widow, expressing his deepest sympathy, and informing her 
that he was sending a thousand francs to Proborski. 

He was terribly shocked by the news and was afraid that 
he would be held responsible for Newlinsky's death. His 
distress was all the greater because his agent had the "best 
connections" in Constantinople and Rome and was "almost 
irreplaceable." In his Diary, he wrote: "With him there 
disappears from the romance of the Zionist movement one of 
the most remarkable figures. He was a grand seigneur who 
had fallen, sympathetic despite many a dubious quality, and 
of truly charming manners." He worried himself all night 
over the matter, alternately reproaching himself with having 
let Newlinsky go and defending himself with the fact that 
he had taken every possible precaution. He reflected that his 
agent had cost him personally a great deal of money, besides 
the subventions from the Executive. He had treated him 
so generously that he had not even asked for the return of 
the two thousand francs he had given him for the journey to 
Rome that was never made. On further consideration, he be- 
gan to feel some doubt whether Newlinsky had really done 
anything or could have done anything to influence the Sultan 
favorably. At least, he had never given any proof of this. 


apart from introducing the Zionist leader to some Turkish 
dignitaries— perhaps only as a member of the editorial staff of 
the Neue Freie Presse. On the other hand, Herzl felt easy 
in his conscience about recommending the subventions, 
as, if Newlinsky could not have done any service to the cause, 
he could have done it harm by describing the Zionists, in 
his Correspondance de I'Est, as dangerous enemies of Turkey 
or impotent boasters. Public rumor, which blamed the 
Zionists for the poor man's death, was soon exploded by 
his doctor, who published a letter in the Neue Freie Presse, 
certifying that Newlinsky had had heart disease for years. 
Herzl went to the station to meet the widow and the 
coffin, and, after the funeral, he told Madame Newlinsky 
that her husband's monthly subvention of two hundred 
gulden would be continued on condition that she carried 
on his paper. But when he visited her a few days later to 
examine the books relating to what was regarded as an 
important publication, he made a sensational discovery. It 
had only twelve subscribers! He felt like one who had 
tracked down a forger's printing press for false notes. In the 
end, he converted the Correspondance into a French daily, 
called Petit Journal de Vienne, and placed it under the 
management of Kozmian, whose support for the cause he 
thus secured. The monthly subvention to the widow was 
continued, quite apart from the cost of the new journal. 

Meanwhile, the worries caused by the bank by no means 
lessened. Herzl was thoroughly dissatisfied with the manage- 
ment in London, which he repeatedly accused of muddle and 
incompetence. Toward the end of April, he went to Cologne 
for a serious talk with Wolffsohn and Kann about the posi- 


tion, and was somewhat relieved to hear that they estimated 
that the total number of shares that had been bought was 
two hundred thousand. As it was necessary that another fifty 
thousand shares should be subscribed before they could 
proceed to allotment, it was decided that Wolffsohn should 
try to form a consortium for the purpose. 

When Herzl returned to Vienna, he felt some humiliation 
in having to apologize for absenting himself from the edi- 
torial office without previous permission. Who knew how 
long his chiefs would put up with such "escapades"? The 
movement required that he should make frequent journeys, 
and the Neue Freie Presse could dismiss him for non-fulfill- 
ment of his office duties. "This wretched conflict of duties," 
he wrote, "wearies, enervates, and wears me out more than 
anything else." He felt the sudden hope of a big move for- 
ward when he received a letter from Paris— from his friend 
Professor Kellner, who wrote that he had met Sir Ashmead 
Bartlett, M.P., and won him over to Zionism, and that this 
energetic politician was willing to intervene with the Sultan, 
but that the Zionists must find him a loan of one million 
pounds, as he was in a sore financial plight. Herzl at once 
wrote a letter to Ashmead Bartlett, explaining his plan for 
restoring Turkey's finances, but it led to nothing. 

Another avenue that might help to lead him to his goal 
seemed to present itself when the Peace Conference convened 
by Tsar Nicholas H assembled in May at The Hague and 
was attended by representatives of twenty-six States. Baroness 
von Suttner wished to go there as special correspondent of 
the Neue Freie Presse^ but, as her offer was not accepted, 
Herzl engaged her to represent Die Welt, with the particular 
mission to interview leading statesmen about Zionism. The 
hopes that he placed in her services were reinforced by the 
satisfaction that he felt when Wolffsohn and Kann, who 


came to Vienna, reported that the minimum number of 
shares of the bank required for allotment had now been 
subscribed and allotment would take place in June. There- 
upon, he went to The Hague himself to derive what advan- 
tage for his cause that he could. He was interviewed by the 
famous journalist, W. T. Stead, and among the statesmen 
with whom he spoke was Leon Bourgeois, President of the 
French Chamber of Deputies. 

He attached greater importance, however, to meeting 
Ivan Bloch, the Russian State Counsellor, who had inspired 
the Tsar to convence the Conference. He found him "a clever, 
cultured old Jewish merchant," kept in close touch with him, 
and eventually obtained a promise that Bloch would try to 
secure an audience for him with the Tsar. Herzl was also able 
to render a service to Bloch. When the German delegate. Pro- 
fessor Zorn, spoke against the proposal for setting up a Court 
of Arbitration, Herzl wrote a letter to the Grand Duke of 
Baden to inform him that this attitude would possibly result 
in the formation of a combination of States that favored the 
idea, to the exclusion of Germany, so that this information 
should be transmitted to Berlin. When he told Bloch of this 
letter, the latter asked for an extract, which he s^ave to the 
Russian Ambassador Staal, who telegraphed it to the Tsar. 
Herzl therefore hoped that his name would thus be brought 
to the favorable notice of the Tsar and his ministers. Another 
person of a different character whom he met was Nouri Bey, 
Secretary-General of the Turkish Foreign Office, who prom- 
ised that he would introduce him to the Sultan's favorite, 
Tahsin Bey— in return, of course, for a very substantial 

From The Hasrue, Herzl went to Paris, where a message 
reached him from Dr. Mandelstamm in Kiev, that the Russian 
Foreign Minister Witte, had issued an order forbidding the 


distribution of all printed matter concerning the Jewish 
Colonial Trust. Herzl immediately wrote to Bloch to explain 
that this would have the effect of impeding the subscription 
of shares, and received a telegraphic reply from Bloch that 
he would try to intervene. In accordance with his usual 
practice, he stayed (on June 19) at the Hotel Castille, where 
he had written The Jeiuish State four years before. He com- 
mented on the fact in the following words: "What a road 
since then! And also what weariness. My heart is very tired. 
I suffer from oppression of the chest and irregular beatings 
of the pulse." But he could take no rest. Together with 
Nordau and Alexander Marmorek, he visited Narcisse Leven, 
President of the Jewish Colonization Association (as well as 
of the Alliance Israelite), who told them that the Association 
would be willing to support them as soon as they obtained 
a charter from the Sultan. A few days later, he was in London 
again, at the Hotel Cecil, together with Wolffsohn, primarily 
in the interests of the bank. 

He again addressed a public meeting (on June 26), this 
time at St. Martin's Town Hall, and in English. He spoke 
in more guarded terms than he had used in his Assembly 
Hall speech the previous October, and stated that he had to 
observe "absolute silence about many a historically remark- 
able conversation" that he had had, even at the risk of his 
opponents maintaining that he had nothing to say. But he 
manifested no less confidence than before when he affirmed: 
"I don't know whether I shall experience it myself, but I 
am firmly convinced that people of my age will see the real- 
ization of our wish." A good part of the speech was devoted 
to a scathing attack upon the opponents of the bank, which. 


he declared, was necessary in order to obtain a Charter from 
the Sultan for the colonizing of Palestine. He considered 
this attack, delivered in London, all the more imperative 
because the day for proceeding to the allotment of the Co- 
lonial Trust shares was now at hand. At the meeting of the 
bank committee on the following day, it was reported that 
fifty-seven thousand pounds in cash had been received in 
London on account of two hundred forty thousand shares 
subscribed by over one hundred thousand shareholders in 
all parts of the world. There was still some opp>osition to 
allotment, but it was overcome by the joint arguments of 
Herzl, Wolffsohn, and Kann, who urged that at least the 
requisite additional ten thousand shares would be subscribed, 
and, accordingly, allotment took place on June 28. 

A few weeks later, the Zionist leader was relaxing at Reich- 
enau, and began to think of what he would say at the forth- 
coming Congress. He was anxious to be able to report 
progress in the political field, and when he learned that 
von Biilow was taking a holiday at Semmering, he wrote 
to him again for an interview. It was now about nine months 
since the fruitless audience in Jerusalem, and Herzl still 
clung to the hope that the German Foreign Minister would 
become favorably disposed. He had not to wait long for a 
rebuff, which was excused on the ground of health. He 
therefore returned to Vienna, to attend to his journalistic 
duties and prepare for the Congiess. He again felt in "the 
humiliating position of a clerk obliged to ask for leave." 
He wanted to stay away until the beginning of September, 
but Bacher sharply objected and he therefore promised to 
be back a week earlier. He went first to Darmstadt, where 
Hechler had arranged for him to be received by the Grand 
Duke of Hesse, whose sister was married to the Tsar of 
Russia. He asked the Grand Duke, who seemed friendly, to 


interest his Imperial brother-in-law, on the occasion of his 
expected visit to his court, in the question of a Chartered 
Company for Palestine, and received an encouraging reply. 
But even while at Darmstadt, he wrote that he was more 
preoccupied with his new comedy, The Sinful Mother, than 
with his unfinished speech for the Congress or his negotia- 
tions with princes. 


The Congress, which took place again at Basle, lasted from 
August 15 to 18, 1899. It was attended by a larger number 
of delegates than that of the preceding year, as the member- 
ship of the movement had increased by nearly a third in 
Russia and by a fourth in other countries. In his opening 
speech, Herzl announced that the next objective of Zionist 
policy was to obtain a Charter for Palestine from the Turkish 
Government, and refeiTed to his audience before the gates 
of Jerusalem with the Kaiser, who had assured him of his 
benevolent interest. He was greeted, as at the previous 
Congiesses, with tremendous applause; but this time he 
had also to listen to considerable criticism, expressed by 
some delegates in caustic and even vehement terms. There 
were three matters, in particular, in regard to which he was 
the object of attack or reproach. The first was the very 
optimistic language that he had used in his London speech 
the previous October. Leo Motzkin taunted him with having 
spoken with such emphasis as to convey the impression that 
Palestine would be theirs within two or three years. In de- 
fending himself, Herzl said that he had been powerfully 
influenced by some striking news that would have appeared 
incredible to others, but after this experience, if any new 
event of great promise occurred he would be careful not 
to say anything about it. 


The second subject of considerable controversy, especially 
on the part of some Russian delegates, was the Jewish 
Colonial Trust. In reporting on the establishment and the 
constitution of the bank, Wolffsohn explained that, as 
anybody could become a shareholder, it was necessary to 
insure that the bank would always reinain under Zionist 
control even if a large proportion of the shares fell into 
non-Zionist hands. They had therefore created one hundred 
founders' shares, which would have the same votingr ris^hts as 
all the remaining 1,999,900 shares; and those founders' shares, 
which would confer no pecuniary benefit of any kind, would 
be assigned to the members of the Actions Committee, who 
would constitute the Aufsichtsrat (Board of Control) and thus 
safeguard the Zionist character of the bank. Herzl and his 
colleagues on the Executive in Vienna were severely criticized 
because they had already allotted seven founders' shares to 
the actual founders of the bank. The critics demanded that 
all such assignments must be decided upon by the Congress 
itself. Herzl, however, insisted that these assignments must 
stand as a mark of srratitude to the founders, and, since he 
made this a question of confidence, he carried the day. 

The third matter was not one of policy or principle but 
concerned the relation between the Vienna Executive and 
the members of the Actions Committee in other countries. 
Dr. Chaim Weizmann, then a young man of twenty-five, 
complained that the members in Russia had not been kept 
informed regularly or sufficiently of the activities of the 
Executive; and Herzl, in his reply, gave proof that the 
complaint was without justification. There were other dele- 
gates, too, who delivered their maiden speeches at this 
Congress and who in later years became very prominent in the 
movement. Amongr them were Nahum Sokolow, a distin- 
guished Hebrew publicist from Warsaw, who took part in 


the debate on "Culture" (a subject that was understood by 
the orthodox as something purely secular and, by others, 
in its general sense), and Leopold J. Greenberg, of London, 
destined to become Herzl's diplomatic representative in 
negotiations with the British Government. Another speaker 
from England, a man of aristocratic bearing, was Sir Francis 
Montefiore, Bart., President of the English Zionist Federa- 
tion, who said that he had felt the keenest interest in the 
resettlement of the Jews in Palestine ever since he had heard 
his uncle of blessed memory. Sir Moses Montefiore, speak 
about it. The mention of that illustrious humanitarian, 
held in grateful esteem, particularly among the Jews in 
Eastern Europe, brought the entire assembly to its feet in a 
scene of fervid enthusiasm. 

On his journey back to Vienna, Herzl noted in his Diary 
that the Congress had passed off "smoothly" and that "a good 
atmosphere" had again been attained. Fortunately, the con- 
tinuance of activity had been made possible by a private loan 
from four Russian Zionists of five thousand gulden each, 
which would also enable him to promise Nouri Bey some 
baksheesh. On arriving home, he wrote to the Turk, offering 
to pay him twenty thousand francs ^ on the day that Herzl 
would be received by the Sultan to submit his Zionist project. 
He again had a feeling of humiliation as he returned to the 
office of the Neue Freie Presse and contrasted his position 
there as one of "mean slavery" with that of the freedom 
and mastery he had enjoyed at Basle. His annoyance was 
aggravated when Bacher said that he expected Herzl would 
now break loose from the movement, because the bank would 
"make a stench." He angrily retorted that the bank was 
cleaner than the Credit Anstalt, and that its founders derived 

1 Before the First World War twenty-four francs were equal to about five 
American dollars. 


no pecuniary benefit from it. He had to keep in well with 
his chiefs, however, as he sorely missed the fifty thousand 
gulden (about ten thousand dollars) that he had already 
spent on the movement (half of it on Die Welt), and was 
more dependent on the Neue Freie Presse than ever before. 
He told the Zionist Executive that he had maintained Die 
Welt for more than two years entirely out of his own pocket, 
and that as he was unable to incur any further sacrifice, 
he had intended to let it die after the Third Congress, but 
that a Rumanian Zionist had offered to form a limited com- 
pany to carry it on. In case a profit should eventually be 
realized on the capital he had already invested in it, he 
would not accept it but would devote it to Zionist propa- 

When Nouri Bey arrived in Vienna toward the end of 
August, Herzl called on him at his hotel and found that 
he had raised his price for an audience with the Sultan to 
forty thousand francs. Herzl agreed to pay ten thousand in 
advance and the balance on the day of the audience. A couple 
of days later, Nouri Bey wrote that he wanted fifteen thou- 
sand francs in advance; but when Johann Kremenezky (a 
member of the Executive) called on him and handed him 
ten thousand, he accepted it with a smile and wrote out a 
receipt for the amount "due to me." 

While awaiting some practical result from this baksheesh, 
Herzl again tried to obtain an audience with the Tsar. He 
sent Hechler, with a letter for the purpose, to the Duke of 
Hesse, but the errand was in vain. At the end of October, 
the newspapers reported that the Tsar would shortly visit 
the Grand Duke of Baden; whereupon Herzl wrote to the 


Grand Duke, requesting that he should seek an audience for 
him, either in Baden, Darmstadt, or St. Petersburg. A fort- 
night later, he received a reply that the Grand Duke had 
spoken to the Tsar, who seemed favorably disposed, but that 
he was joined a few days later by his Foreign Minister, 
Muraviev, who was opposed. The Grand Duke therefore 
suggested that Herzl should draw up a memorandum in 
French, which he undertook to forward to the Tsar. Herzl 
complied with the suggestion, and in due course heard from 
the Grand Duke that he received an acknowledgment from 
St. Petersburg. He was becoming impatient at the lack of a 
response from Nouri Bey, and wrote to him that he wished 
to have an audience with the Sultan as early as possible, 
failing which there was a movement in favor of Jews settling 
in Cyprus. He thought that if he made no progress with the 
Turkish Government by the time of the Fourth Congress, 
in the summer of 1900, he would go to London to see the 
British Foreign Secretary, Lord Salisbury, about a settlement 
in Cyprus, and induce the Congress to approve such a proj- 

Meanwhile, owing to the heavy strain on his pocket, he 
was obliged to go on writing play after play. Much to his 
distaste, he revised an old farce, Muttersohnchen ("Mother's 
Little Sons"), originally composed in 1885, and included a 
new part for a comedian, Girardi. He was also at work on a 
romance in which he tried to depict what Jewish life would 
be like in Palestine twenty years later, and which he entitled 
Altneuland ("Old-New Land"), a name suggested by the 
famous medieval synagogue in Prague, the Altneuschul. He 
felt that Zionism had injured his reputation as a "German 
author" and that, for this reason, he could not hope for 
promotion on the Neue Freie Presse. He resented the gossip 


that he was making money out of the movement or doing 
the work out of vanity, and in a state of depression he wrote: 

But should I collapse, then I shall receive plenty of kicks, 
and people will laugh at me and be ungrateful. Therefore no 

This mood was suddenly followed by the hope of brighter 
days. Early in December, Herzl heard a rumor that Bacher 
intended selling his interest in the Neue Freie Presse and 
retiring. He immediately thought of acquiring it, if he could. 
He spoke to his uncle, Moritz Reichenfeld, who said that he 
was prepared to find Herzl the money if Bacher were willing 
to sell. He then sounded Bacher himself, who replied that, 
although he would like to retire, he could not do so yet, 
and, in any case, he could not sell out to Herzl unless Bene- 
dikt agreed. Herzl did not think that Benedikt would asjee. 
He had a talk with him and said that he wanted to be in- 
dependent and start a paper of his own. Benedikt pointed out 
the risk of such a venture. Thereupon Herzl poured out 
his complaints about the treatment he received— his ludi- 
crously small salary, his unsatisfactory position on the paper, 
its silence about Zionism, and his lack of liberty to go on 
important journeys. The result of these frank talks was that 
Benedikt and Bacher, anxious not to lose such a valuable 
pillar of their staff to some other paper, agreed to give Herzl 
the highest salary on their payroll, to place the entire liter- 
ary department under his absolute control, and also to report 
objectively in the paper any practical achievement of Zion- 

Reassured about his future, Herzl resumed his political 
efforts. He wrote a letter to Nordau, requesting him to write 
to the Procurator of the Holy Synod in Russia, Pobie- 
donostzev, in support of his memorandum to the Tsar. He 


also asked Baroness von Suttner to approach Count Mur- 
aviev and Ambassador Kapnist for the same purpose. He 
did not expect any response, nor did he receive any, but 
he did not Tvant these three Russian dignitaries to 
imagine that he had circumvented them. A few days later, 
he received a letter from an agent of Nouri Bey in Con- 
stantinople, worded in rather cryptic and extravagant terms: 
it stated that good progress had been made and advised Herzl 
to be ready to leave as soon as he received a telegram request- 
ing him to do so, as the Sultan Avas disposed to grant him an 
audience. But weeks went by and nothing happened. 

At the end of December, 1899, Herzl had a talk with Oscar 
Straus, the American Ambassador to Turkey, who was pass- 
ing through Vienna. Straus said that, being "an official per- 
son," he was neither for nor against Zionism. He regarded 
Palestine as unattainable, o^ving to the opposition of the 
Greek and Roman Catholic Churches, but was in favor of 
Mesopotamia, the original home of Israel. He spoke very 
disparagingly of the Sultan and his mercenary ministers, and 
promised to send the Zionist leader any hints that might be 
of use to him, under the pseudonym of "Mesopotamicus." 

On January 30, 1900, five months after he had given Nouri 
Bey his handsome bribe, Herzl heard that he had arrived 
in Vienna. As the Turk had traveled on without troubling 
to get into touch with him, he was afraid he had been 
defrauded. Herzl therefore sent him a reminder, urging the 
desirability of obtaining the oft-discussed audience. In re- 
sponse, he received from the agent the draft of a letter that 
Herzl should write him in return and that could be shown 
to the Sultan to induce him to bestow the favor. The only 
result of his complying with this instruction was to receive, 
in the middle of March, a further request from the agent 
for a new letter, intended for Izzet Bey, the Sultan's favorite, 


setting forth the purpose of the audience more clearly. Herzl 
therefore composed the required note, elaborating his plans 
and the financial services that he would render the Sultan, 
and dispatched it with a prayer. 

In the early part of 1900, he was again in a state of de- 
pression. The first performance of his comedy, / Lcrue You, 
at the Burg Theatre, was loudly hissed at the end, a dem- 
onstration that, he thought, could not have been due to 
the simple play itself but which he attributed to the author's 
identification with Zionism. "I dare not live from Zionism," 
he wrote, "I shall not live from literature. A problem!" But 
what worried him much more was that there was no news 
from Constantinople, and the only news about the bank was 
bad. Letters, some signed and others anonymous, poured in 
upon him from England, warning him that there was a 
state of disorder at the bank and that the management was 
utterly incompetent. He felt that it was necessary to go to 
London to investigate, but he could not absent himself with- 
out risking his position on the paper. In both Russia and 
Rumania, the movement was checked by the economic crisis, 
which also affected the Jews. From Dr. Mandelstamm, he 
received a message that the Chief of Police in Odessa had 
threatened to suppress Zionist activity; he therefore sent him 
a copy of the memorandum submitted to the Tsar, to serve 
as a sort of "charm." 

Even in Galicia, the Governor had issued a rescript to all 
Jewish communities, forbidding subscriptions for the Jewish 
Colonial Trust as "disloyal." Herzl therefore had an inter- 
view with the Austrian Premier, Koerber, and asked that 
those who had already paid deposits on shares (there were 


nearly six thousand who had subscribed for fourteen thou- 
sand shares) should, in view of the humanitarian purpose of 
the Trust, be allowed to complete their payments. The 
Premier agreed not to enforce the rescript, on condition 
that there be no publicity about the matter, and Herzl prom- 
ised that, when the Colonial Trust began operations, it 
would apply to the Government for fonnal permission to 
do business in the country. After discussing Zionism, Koerber 
asked Herzl his views on current questions of Austrian 
politics, particularly about a proposed Language Law (neces- 
sitated by the variety of nationalities in the Austrian Em- 
pire), and was so favorably impressed by Herzl's suggestions 
that he invited his cooperation in the formulation of his 
proposals and even in the drafting of his speech to Parlia- 
ment. He had several long and confidential talks with the 
Zionist leader (at which he always gave him a good cigar) 
on Austrian affairs, and displayed not only friendliness but 
deference to his advice. Herzl was glad of the opportunity 
to render him some service, in the hope that he would be 
introduced to the Foreign Minister, Count Goluchowski, 
from whom he was anxious to obtain a recommendation to 
the Sultan. At the request of Koerber, Herzl even furnished 
him with an elaborate series of suggestions on methods to 
be adopted in the expected general election, so as to insure 
the victory of a Center Party that would form the main 
support of the Government. 

The Zionist leader was soon on his travels again. In the 
middle of April, he went to Karlsruhe, where he had an- 
other long talk with the Grand Duke of Baden. It was most 
interesting politically, but yielded nothing of practical value. 
The Grand Duke explained that, owing to the international 
situation, it was inexpedient for Germany to assume a Pro- 
tectorate in Palestine, and advised Heizl to obtain a recom- 


mendation to the Sultan from the Austrian Government. 
Herzl went on to Paris, where he discussed the Zionist situa- 
tion with Nordau, and then to London, where his first en- 
gagement was the fulfillment of an earlier invitation from the 
Poet Laureate, Alfred Austin. The latter lived with his wife 
in a beautiful country house at Ashford (in Kent), and 
Herzl was charmed with the refinement of the place and 
the friendly hospitality, including a night's stay, that he 
received. His primary purpose was not to discuss poetry but 
to obtain an introduction to Lord Salisbury. Austin readily 
agreed to write a letter to the Foreign Secretary, and read 
it over to Herzl before sending it off; but Salisbury replied 
that, owing to the political situation (the Boer War being 
then in progress), he could not grant the desired interview. 
On leturning to London, Herzl attended a reception in 
his honor at the Llotel Great Central, arranged by the 
English Zionist Federation. He was welcomed by Dr. Gaster, 
who was in the chair, and also by the Rev. Dr. Joseph H. 
Hertz, of Johannesburg, who had been expelled from the 
Transvaal by President Kruger for siding with the British 
(and who was elected several years later, in 1913, Chief 
Rabbi of the Anglo-Jewish community), and by Clarence de 
Sola, President of the Canadian Zionist Federation.^ He was 
less concerned, however, with this reception than with the 
Jewish Colonial Trust, whose unsatisfactory condition con- 
tinued to worry him. He had called a meeting of directors, 
but neither Wolffsohn nor Kann— the two most important- 
had attended. They absented themselves because of their 
resentment at his going over their heads in issuing instruc- 
tions to the secretary of the bank, and the friction that re- 

2 It was at this reception, on April 23, 1900, that the author was in- 
troduced to Theodor Herzl by the latter's honorary secretary in London, 
Jacob de Haas. 


suited from his unconstitutional zeal led to Kann sending 
in his resiornation and Wolffsohn offering to do likewise. As 
Kann was a professional banker and Wolffsohn an exper- 
ienced and successful businessman, they regarded his inter- 
ference as a reflection upon their competence and reliability. 
It was not until Wolffsohn, through some candid letters, had 
persuaded his leader to leave the management of the bank 
to those best qualifted to direct it that friendly relations 
between them were restored. Their relations became even 
more intimate, and from that time, Herzl called Wolffsohn 

It was again with some anxiety that he returned to Vienna 
on May 1, as he felt unsure about the way in which Benedikt 
and Bacher would regard his latest absence. To mollify 
them, he had sent them a feuilleton from Paris and another 
from London, and, on examining^ the latest numbers of 
the Neue Freie Presse, he found that only the second one 
had been used. His apprehensions, however, were un- 
founded, as he met with no reproof; and he was soon 
immersed once more in Zionist affairs. He received a letter 
from Nouri's agent, Moi, requesting a further exposition, 
whereupon he replied, rather tartly, that he had already 
sent him enough expositions, and that, if he could not get 
the audience with the Sultan, it would be better if he said 
so. Dr. Alexander Marmorek, who happened to be in Vienna 
at the time, informed Herzl that he believed he had dis- 
covered a cure for tuberculosis and would be able to publish 
it in two or three months. Herzl was somewhat skeptical, but 
nevertheless obtained a promise froin Marmorek to entrust 
the commercial exploitation of the expected cure to the 
Jewish Colonial Trust. He hoped that it would prove such 
a financial success that the bank would be put firmly on 
its feet. 



A new source of worry began in the latter half of May. 
Herzl received a telegram from Dr. Lippe, of Jassy, stating 
that a large number of Rumanian Jews, who were fleeing 
from distress and oppression and were anxious to emigrate 
to America, were stopped on the frontier of Bukowina, and 
were appealing for his intervention. He immediately wrote 
to Premier Koerber, asking him to telegraph instructions 
to the local authorities to allow the refugees to enter the 
country. The plight of these Rumanian Jews was only one 
of several important problems that engaged the attention of 
the Actions Committee, which met in Vienna for a few days' 
conference, for although the Zionist Organization was not 
concerned with questions of philanthropy, its assistance was 
invoked nevertheless. The conference decided that the next 
Conoress should be held in Aus^ust in London, and Herzl 
hoped that it would form a significant landmark in the 
progress of the movement. His hopes were particularly fired 
after his first meeting with Arminius Vambery, the famous 
traveler (1831-1913). 

Herzl must undoubtedly have been familiar previously 
with the name of Vambery, born like himself in Hungary, 
who had become internationally famous on account of his 
adventurous journeys through Central Asia and his books 
about them, and who was known to enjoy the friendship 
of Sultan Abdul Hamid. That he had hitherto refrained 
from seeking the help of his distinguished fellow Jew and 
fellow countryman, in his efforts to reach the Sultan, may 
have been due to the thought that the romantic explorer 
was too old to become politically active or that he was not 
in sympathy with the Zionist idea. It was therefore not until 
he read in the papers, at the beginning of June, 1900, that 


Vambery had suddenly gone to Constantinople, that he 
decided to get into touch with him. As soon as Vambery 
was back from Turkey, Herzl went to see him at Miihlbach 
(in the Tyrol).^ He was strongly impressed by the limping 
yet vigorous septuagenarian, who wrote his works in German, 
spoke twelve languages with equal perfection, and had pro- 
fessed five religions, in two of which he had been a priest. 
Vambery immediately took a liking to Herzl, told him how 
he had begun his career in Turkey by singing in coffee 
houses and had become the intimate friend of the Grand 
Vizier eio^hteen months later. He confided that he was both a 
British secret agent (thanks to Disraeli) ^ and a Turkish 
secret agent, and showed him many secret Turkish docu- 
ments, including some notes in the Sultan's own handwrit- 
ing. After Herzl had explained the object of his visit, Vam- 
bery said: "I don't want any money; I am a rich man, I can't 
eat golden beefsteaks, I possess a quarter-of-a-million and 
don't need half of my interest. If I help you, it's for the sake 
of the cause." Herzl asked him to write to the Sultan, re- 
questing that he receive Herzl, because the latter could be 
of service to him in the press and because the mere fact of 
the audience would increase his Majesty's prestige. 

After returning to Vienna, Herzl wrote to Vambery, 
urging him to procure the audience before the Congress. 
"I know," he concluded, "what you want to erect for your- 
self with your autobiography: a royal sepulchre. Crown your 
pyramid with the chapter 'How I helped to prepare the 

3 Herzl's approach to Vambery was first suggested by Tobias Markus and 
his wife, of Florence, who were friends of the famous traveler and visited him 
at Miihlbach immediately after the Congress of 1898, to secure his support for 
the Zionist leader (Die Welt, May 20, 1910, p. 488). 

4 In The Story of My Struggles (pp. 385-386) Vambery denies that he was 
ever a secret agent of England, but admits that he at one time received a 
modest yearly income for working for the defense of India. 


homecoming of my people, the Jews.' The whole of your 
remarkable life will then appear as if it were intended to lead 
to that." Vambery replied that he could not do anything 
with the Sultan by letter, whereupon Herzl wrote again, 
emphasizing that he had no time to lose, and reminding him 
of what Disraeli had once said to a young Jew: "You and 
I belong to a race who can do everything but fail." Vam- 
bery's answer was that he had sent the Sultan a letter but 
was not sure that it would reach him. 

Herzl's incessant exertions began to tell upon him. On 
June 20, while in the office of Die Welt, he had an attack of 
cerebral anemia and his consciousness suddenly became 
clouded, so that, instead of going to the Neue Freie Presse, 
he went home to lie down. The doctor ordered him two or 
three days' rest, but that was impracticable. Telegrams con- 
tinued to pour in from the Rumanian refugees, who wired 
from the frontier or from Budapest that he should await 
them. The task of coming to their relief was beyond his 
province and his means, and he was all the more distressed 
because a report had appeared in the Hungarian press that 
he had organized the Rumanian exodus in the interest of 
Zionist propaganda— a slander that he promptly rebutted in 
Die Welt. He called on the Premier, Koerber, to discuss the 
problem: if the refugees were adinittecl, they would prove 
an embarrassment; on the other hand, if they were ex- 
cluded, Austria would be called anti-Semitic. He mentioned 
that he had sought advice from the Grand Duke of Baden, 
who suggested that Herzl should obtain an audience through 
the Austrian Government with the Sultan, with a view to 
the refugees being permitted to settle in Turkey. Koerber 
replied that he would see what he could do to get him a 
hearing, but nothing resulted. Herzl then wrote to Vambery 
again, asking that he wire the Sultan to agree to the ad- 


mission of the homeless Jews from Rumania, as the Sultan 
would thus stand forth as "a benefactor of humanity" and 
be acclaimed by Jews throughout the world. But the request 
was in vain. He had now to turn his mind to the forthcom- 
ing Congress in London, and he therefore wrote a letter to 
Nouri Bey, whom he had given ten thousand francs ten 
months before, asking him to draft a letter in which Herzl 
would express his homage to the Sultan on the eve of the 
Congress, and to insure that a friendly and encouraging 
reply from the Yildiz Kiosk would be dispatched immedi- 


Such was the situation when the Zionist leader arrived in 
London for the Fourth Conoress, which was to begin in the 
Queen's Hall on August 13. It looked at first as though he 
would be unable to attend the opening session, as he was 
laid up at the Langham Hotel for three days with a violent 
feverish cold and had to have a nurse day and night. But, fortu- 
nately, he recovered in time to deliver his inaugural address to 
the largest Congress that had yet assembled. There were four 
hundred delegates from all parts of the world, half of them 
from Russia, and the big muster of press correspondents 
included representatives of all the leading English papers, to 
which Herzl attached special importance, for it was primarily 
to make the movement known to the British public and to 
gain its sympathy that the English capital had been chosen. 
He began with a complimentary reference to the country 
as "one of the last places of refuge free from anti-Semitism," 
where Jews enjoyed complete liberty and human rights; and, 
after reassertinsr the aim of Zionism and stressing: the need 
of developing Palestine as a civilized station on the road to 


Asia, he apostrophized England in a passage that proved to 
be truly prophetic: 

England the great, England the free, England whose gaze 
sweeps over all the seas will understand us and our aims. From 
here the Zionist idea will take a farther and higher flight: of 
that we may be sure. 

He reproached his opponents with hindering the progress of 
the movement, and reaffirmed the intention to strive for a 
Charter for settlement in Palestine. He taunted the advo- 
cates of philanthropy as the only method of solving the Jew- 
ish question with their inactivity in face of the calamity 
of the Rumanian Jews, suggested that the Congress should 
include among its tasks the devising of a mutual insurance 
system that could be applied in such emergencies, and de- 
clared that, though they would have to wait yet a while for 
final success, Judaism would produce an idealism that would 
assuredly attain the great goal. 

The plight of the Rumanian Jews, who had been cheated 
of the civil equality promised them by their Government 
in the Berlin Treaty of 1878, was further stressed by Max 
Nordau in his address on the general situation of the Jews, 
and details of the latest incidents were given by Oskar Mar- 
morek. There followed reports upon other outstanding ques- 
tions—the growth of the movement, problems of organization 
and propaganda, the Jewish Colonial Trust, and the physical 
and economic betterment of the Jews in Eastern Europe, In 
England, the number of Zionist societies had increased from 
16 to 39, in the United States from 103 to 135, in Russia 
from under 900 to over 1,000, while in all other countries 
there had likewise been progress. The bank, however, had 
not yet been able to begin operations, since, instead of the 
requisite paid-up capital of two hundred fifty thousand 


p>ounds, the total amount subscribed was only about half 
of that. Upon all these matters there were animated debates, 
but upon none did the discussion assume such a vehement 
character as upon the question of Jewish culture, on which 
the views expressed by Gaster and Sokolow met with the 
opposition of the orthodox Rabbis from Russia, so that no 
resolution was submitted. 

There were various functions outside the Queen's Hall— 
a mass meeting in the East End, at which speeches were made 
by Herzl, Nordau, Zangwill, and other important figures; 
a garden part) at the Botanical Gardens, at which Herzl was 
mobbed by the jubilant crowd; a public dinner, and a trip 
up the Thames. The Zionist leader felt more fatigued at 
this Congress in the hurly-burly of London than at the pre- 
vious ones in the somnolent city of Basle, and, in his desire 
for a brief respite, one afternoon he left the chair to Nordau 
and Gaster, and escaped to Kensington Gardens, to sip a 
cup of tea under the shade of a tree facing the silvery Ser- 
pentine. On another day, he had lunch at the house of Sir 
Francis Montefiore with Lord Salisbury's private secretary, 
Eric Barrington, whom he succeeded in interesting. But al- 
though the Congress did not signify any notable advance, 
and "there was much noise, sweat, and drum-beating," he 
nevertheless summed up the result as "excellent," for, as 
he wrote in his Diary, "we have demonstrated before the 
English world, and note has been taken of the demonstra- 
tion. The English papers on the whole have brought such 
reports as we could need and do need." 

Negotiations with the Sultan 


Salzburg, for a short holiday, to recover from the exhaustion 
of the last few weeks. But he was no sooner back in Vienna 
than he went to Budapest, on September 16, 1900, for an- 
other talk with Vambery, to urge him again to secure him 
an audience with the Sultan. Vambery gave him his word 
of honor that Abdul Hamid would receive him not later 
than the following May. Herzl wondered how he could make 
so definite a promise, but he had to rest content, and re- 
turned home. He was again in a state of dejection when he 
contrasted the position of authority that he had enjoyed at 
the Congress with the subservience that he felt when he 
made his daily appearance before his chief, Dr. Bacher, to 
report and receive instructions; and the mood was aggravated 
when he thought of the heavy financial sacrifices that he had 
incurred on behalf of the movement. It was now a year since 
he had seen Nouri Bey and greased his palm, and he there- 
fore wrote him a letter pointing out that nothing had 
happened. He added that he had heard from Constantinople 
that the question of building a railway to Hedjaz was under 
consideration, and that, if he received the Charter, he would 
undertake the project or provide the funds. The only thing 
that gave him satisfaction was the news that the English 
Zionist Federation had canvassed the views on Zionism of 
Parliamentary candidates in the impending general election, 


and that declarations of sympathy had been received from 
sixty, of whom more than half were elected. 

Suddenly, a new encouraging prospect seemed to present 
itself. Early in October, he was invited by the Austrian 
Premier, Koerber, to call upon him, and, in the course of 
an hour's conversation about domestic politics, he suggested 
the desirability of having "a big respectable paper" to back 
up the Government. The idea appealed to the Premier, who 
said that there would be no difficulty in finding the money 
and asked Herzl to think it over and come to see him a^ain. A 
week later, they had another talk about the matter, and, al- 
though they did not go into details, Herzl thought that it 
might lead to his independence. His mind was soon diverted, 
however, horn this speculation, as he received a letter in 
the middle of October from Nouri Bey, stating that the 
Turkish Government urgently wanted a loan of seven to 
eight hundred thousand pounds, and that, if Herzl provided 
it, he would be received by the Sultan. This communication 
was the beginning of a protracted correspondence that 
dragged on for months, in the course of which the amount 
of the loan required and the rate of interest varied from 
time to time, and which terminated only when Vambery's 
promise was actually realized. 

Herzl replied to Nouri that he was prepared to offer the 
loan only on condition that he could negotiate with the 
Sultan personally, and that he would not do anything unless 
he were invited for this purpose. Ten days later, he had a 
visit from the Turkish Consul-General in Budapest, who 
brought a letter from Nouri's agent, Crespi, who was also 
in Constantinople, offering his services as a mediator with 
the Sultan. Crespi wished to come to Vienna to discuss the 
business, but wanted one thousand francs for his expenses. 
Herzl was willing to pay this sum if Crespi could achieve 


something positive. Then came a telegram from Crespi, in- 
quiring whether Herzl could advance two hundred thousand 
pounds on account, to which he replied that this sum would 
be available eight days after his reception at Yildiz Kiosk. 
Through the medium of Wolffsohn, Herzl obtained a letter 
from Jacobus Kann, a partner in the old and reputable 
Dutch bank of Lissa and Kann, stating that they were willing 
to provide a loan of eight hundred thousand Turkish pounds 
at 6 per cent against adequate security, and would give the 
first two hundred thousand pounds on the signing of the 
contract. Herzl sent this letter to Vambery, as proof of his 
financial capacity, and asked him to inquire of the Sultan if 
the loan proposition was to be taken seriously, in which 
case he, Vambery, would come to Constantinople and would 
be followed by Herzl. At length, and after further cor- 
respondence, Crespi arrived in Vienna on December 3. He 
told Herzl that he must not say anything to the Sultan about 
Zionism, but speak only about the advance payment, as the 
Turks were afraid that, if the Zionists entered Palestine, 
the Powers would intervene and take possession of the land. 
In the middle of this political colloquy, Kremenezky came 
in and handed Crespi one thousand francs, for which he 
was given a receipt. The Executive had had such difficulty 
(owing to their financial straits) in finding this relatively 
small sum that Herzl, in his Diary, commented on the irony 
of the situation, since they spoke so freely about millions 
for the Sultan. The treasury of the Turkish Government 
was likewise in a sorry plight: its Vienna Ambassador had 
received no salary for twelve months and was threatening 
resignation and exposure. 

Anxious to find out why he had not received any reply 
from Constantinople in regard to his offer, Herzl sent Wolff- 
sohn to Berlin to call on the Turkish Ambassador in that 


capital, Ahmed Tewfik, and to present him with a copy of 
his Philosophical Tales in a handsome cover. The Ambas- 
sador said that he knew nothing about the matter and, at the 
same time, declared that Jews would be welcome in all parts 
of the Ottoman Empire except Palestine. Disappointed by 
this news, Herzl again went to Budapest to see Vambery, and 
they arranged that Herzl should write him a letter in French, 
for transmission to the Sultan, stating that he had offered a 
loan of seven hundred thousand pounds at very reasonable 
interest, but that it had not even been acknowledged. The 
only response from Constantinople was an announcement 
by a semi-official news agency that the Government had 
forbidden the entry of Jews into Palestine because "Zionism 
wanted to create a Kingdom of Judaea." Indignant at this 
manifestation of hostility, Herzl sent another long letter to 
Vambery, asking him to write to the Sultan that Herzl had 
always shown the greatest goodwill toward him and had sung 
his praises in the press, that, as soon as he heard that the 
Turkish Government was in need of money, he had offered 
a loan on the most favorable terms, and that the only re- 
sponse of the Government was to prohibit Jewish immigra- 
tion into Palestine. Vambery was to impress upon Abdul 
Hamid the desirability of inviting Herzl immediately for 
a talk, as he would gain in him a friend useful in the press 
and in finance; whereas, if he persisted in his attitude, Herzl 
would persuade all his financial friends to refuse him any 
help when he was in urgent need of it. Vambery replied to 
Herzl that he had communicated the contents of his letter 
in full to the Sultan but did not expect anything to result 
from it. 


Herzl's mind was suddenly diverted from this question of 
political finance to the project of a new Vienna daily. On 
January 4, 1901, three months after his last talk with the 
Austrian Premier, the latter sent for him again to discuss 
the matter. Koerber informed him that a group of industrial- 
ists were prepared to buy the Neue Freie Presse or to start 
a new paper of similar standing, and asked him to see Count 
Auersperg, a high official with the title of Ministerial Coun- 
sellor, who was acting as a go-between. Herzl therefore 
called on Auersperg, who confirmed the news: the group was 
willing to invest seven hundred thousand gulden, and wished 
to establish a new daily to enlighten the public in regard 
to the Government's impending commercial treaties; and 
they also wanted to know what it would cost to buy the 
Neue Freie Presse, if it were for sale. Herzl naturally as- 
sumed, as he had been chosen by the Premier and the Count 
as their confidant and adviser, that he was to be the editor, 
and he immediately began to build castles in Spain. He 
saw himself at last free and independent, occupying a posi- 
tion of dignity and influence in the Continental newspaper 
world, and enjoying an income that would provide him 
liberally with every comfort. He even told his parents that 
he would give his poor relatives a monthly allowance. 

Count Auersperg introduced Herzl to the two industrial- 
ists, Arthur Krupp and a Herr Scholler, who stated that they 
were prepared to pay four to five million gulden for the 
Neue Freie Presse. Herzl replied that he would have to leave 
the paper before he could begin to negotiate for its purchase, 
and that he would require a contract. There were two 
further prolonged discussions, in which they considered the 
title of the paper, its policy, and Herzl's remuneration. He 


wanted a salary of twenty-four thousand gulden ^ a year and 
shares in the newspaper to the value of one hundred thou- 
sand gulden, or, if he effected the purchase of the Neue Freie 
Presse, shares to the value of two hundred thousand gulden. 
He had a talk with the Premier in the latter's private resi- 
dence to secure his support. Day after day then followed 
without Herzl hearing anything further, either from the 
financiers or from Auersperg, and he began to fear that the 
project had fallen through. To what could this be due? Had 
he asked for too much? He worried about the matter so 
much, suffering from sleepless nights, that he would accept 
whatever salary was offered, as he was so anxious to gain 
his liberty. On the other hand, if he failed to get the editor- 
ship, he consoled himself with the thought that such a posi- 
tion would entail disadvantas^es, since he would be unable to 
produce anything more of a creative nature and he would be 
exposed to attacks from all sides. To expedite a decision, 
he wrote on January 28 to the Premier and the Count that 
he was leaving Vienna early in February for a fortnight, 
unless he was wanted for something important. The Count 
responded by returning him his draft contract. It meant that 
his dream was shattered. The project had been dropped 
without any reason having been given. 

Herzl's dejection was aggravated by the lack of progress 
in regard to the proffered loan to Turkey. There had been 
further letters from the agent Crespi, but of a dilatory and 
irrelevant character, and, in one of them, the rapacious Turk 
even had the effrontery to ask for a monthly salary of one to 
two thousand francs. Herzl replied: "Get me the audience 
first, and we shall see later about appointing you as cor- 
respondent at one thousand to fifteen hundred francs." In 
his Diary, on January 30, he gave expression to his bitter 

1 About five thousand dollars. 


disappointment that he had lost so much time over Crespi 
and the big industrialists' plan for a newspaper: "Three 
months torn away out of my life, piecemeal, in 'great expecta- 
tions.' " He had now to go off to London, and it would be 
three weeks before he would be able to sit down again at his 
desk. Mournfully he wrote: 

The wind is howling through the stubble. I feel my autumn 
coming. I run the risk of leaving no work behind to the world 
and no fortune to my children. 

He particularly regretted that he had been neglecting his 
romance, Altneuland, and resolved that he would continue 
it as soon as he returned. 

He next conceived the idea of acquiring the Ottoman 
Public Debt, which hung like a millstone round the neck of 
the Turkish Government, and handing it over to the Sultan 
in return for the Charter. On February 4, he was in Paris, 
where he sought to interest Benno Reitlinger, a Zionist mil- 
lionaire (in francs), in the matter, but Reitlinger pointed 
out that it would be necessary to form a big syndicate to 
guarantee the amount required, and he saw no possibility 
of doing this. Four days later, he was in London, where he 
was anxious to see the first Lord Rothschild (1840-1915), 
on the project, but Israel Zangwill's efforts to obtain an 
introduction for him through the mediation of Rothschilds 
cousin, Lady Battersea, proved in vain. He therefore re- 
turned to Vienna, where he received another telegram from 
Crespi in Constantinople, asking him to renew his offer of 
a loan made in the previous November. He replied that he 
would do nothing until he had been invited to Yildiz Kiosk. 
His nerves were sorely tried by the appearance of another 
report in the Politische Korrespondenz, on February 25, that 
Jewish immigration into Palestine was forbidden. He there- 


fore wrote to Nordau to initiate Parliamentary intervention 
in Paris and Rome, to Joseph Cowen (a Zionist leader, 1868- 
1932, in England) to do the same in London, and to Pro- 
fessor Richard Gottheil to do likewise in Washington. But 
the prohibition remained in force. 


It was at this stage, on March 1, that Professor Leon 
Kellner, an intimate friend of Herzl's, revived a suggestion 
that had occupied the mind of the Zionist leader before— 
namely, that he should move to London. Herzl felt that he 
would have greater freedom of movement there and be 
able to exercise stronger influence both through the direc- 
tion of the Zionist Bureau and through Die Welt, which 
would, of course, also have to be transferred. But it would 
be necessary that he be appointed London correspondent of 
the Neue Freie Presse for five to ten years, with an adequate 
salary. When he broached the suggestion a few weeks later 
to Benedikt, the latter was at first unwilling to consider it, 
but since he did not wish to lose so valuable a member of 
his editorial staff he finally acquiesced, although he re- 
marked that Herzl was too good for a foreign correspondent. 
Another motive that actuated Benedikt was the thought that, 
in London, Herzl would give up Zionism and after a few 
years return a different man. "What an idea!" exclaimed 
Herzl. "I shall never give it up!" His wife would have been 
willing to accompany him with their children, but, when 
he mentioned the matter to his parents, they were so deeply 
upset and so strongly opposed to going to London that he 
abandoned the idea. 

Meanwhile, he was working hard on his novel about Pales- 
tine as a Jewish land. "Hopes of success in the practical 


field," he wrote, "have evaporated. My life is now no ro- 
mance, so the romance is my life." He envisaged tremendous 
economic developments in the Holy Land, and discussed 
with Kremenezky and Seidener, both engineers, the establish- 
ment of a brick factory there, in connection with a Jaffa 
branch of the Jewish Colonial Trust. He also gave serious 
thought to the purchase, with part of the capital of the Trust, 
of the shares of the Jaffa-Jerusalem railway, proposed by 
David Levontin, whom he had brought from Russia to 
act as the new manager of the Trust. And he likewise con- 
templated buying the shares of a Mediterranean shipping 
company, which was in a bad way, but which he thought he 
could restore to a sound condition. 

As he continued to receive letters from Crespi about the 
loan, Herzl went to Budapest again on April 10, for a talk 
with Vambery. The latter informed him that he was going 
to see the Sultan, who wished to establish TOod relations 
with King Edward VH, whose friendship Vambery enjoyed, 
and that he would at the same time press his Majesty to call 
for Herzl as one who could render him important services. 
Toward the end of April, after Vambery had been in Con- 
stantinople a week, Herzl received a telegram from him, 
asking him to come again to Budapest. He first went to 
Aussee, to make arrangements for the summer holidays, and, 
during the journey there and back, he pored over Rome and 
Jerusalem^, the first critical exposition of Jewish nationalism, 
by Moses Hess (1812-1875), a German political writer, which 
he had first begun to read in Jerusalem in 1898 but was 
unable then to finish. He was fascinated and elated as he 
followed the brilliant argumentation, and wrote in his Diary: 
"Everything that we attempted is already in his book. . . , 
Since Spinoza Jewry has not produced a greater mind than 
this forgotten, faded Moses Hess!" On reaching home, he 


received another message from Crespi, stating that the Sultan 
was detaining Vambery for anotlier few days and would 
definitely receive Herzl, but not until after Vambery had 
left. At the same time, Crespi wished to know whether the 
previous promises of payment for the audience held good. 
Herzl replied that all promises would be fulfilled. 

It was his birthday, May 2, and in his Diary he wrote: 

Today I am forty-one years of age. 

"The wind is howling through the stubble, 
I surely must my pace redouble . . ." 
It will soon be six years since I began this movement, which 
has made me old, tired, and poor. 

It was not a happy birthday, apart from the news about the 
prospective audience, as unpleasant reports reached him 
from the east and west: the Russian Zionists did not want 
another such Congress as that in London, "void of content," 
in July, and without a Congress there would be no shekel 
income, while, in London, the Jewish Colonial Trust was 
still unable to begin operations. In a state of eager anticipa- 
tion, he welcomed Vambery back in Budapest on May 7. 
The veteran traveler reported that he had told the Sultan 
that he had been invited to London by King Edward, and 
he therefore wished to know whether his Majesty required 
him to do anything for him. Secondly, Vambery had im- 
pressed upon the Sultan that public opinion must be changed 
in his favor, and it was therefore necessary that he should 
receive "one of the most respected and influential journal- 
ists." He had to call on the capricious potentate six times 
before he could persuade him to see Herzl, but, said Vam- 
bery: "You must not speak to him about Zionism; that is a 
phantasmagoria." He furnished Herzl with letters of recom- 
mendation to the Sultan's First Secretary, Tahsin Bey, and 


to his confidant, a Hungarian Jew, Dr. Wellisch, who was 
a Turkish official. He could not explain why he had to 
leave Constantinople before Herzl would be received, but it 
had been arranged that Ibrahim Bey, the introducer of 
Ambassadors, would act as interpreter. 

Herzl then returned to Vienna to make arrangements for 
his momentous journey. He convened a meeting of the 
Zionist Executive in his home and secured unanimous con- 
sent to borrow money from the Jewish Colonial Trust to 
pay for the audience, since its object was to obtain the Char- 
ter. He invited one of its members, Oskar Marmorek, to 
join him, and wired to David Wolffsohn to do likewise. He 
thereupon went to the Neue Freie Presse to put his manu- 
scripts in order, was relieved to find that Benedikt and Bacher 
were not there, wrote a letter to the former that he would 
be away ten to fourteen days "to think matters over" (in 
accordance with the friendly advice previously given him 
by Benedikt), and enclosed in it the key to his desk. His 
Diary now filled eight books, and in the concluding entry, 
on May 9, he wrote: "On the way I shall begin a new book. 
What will it contain? At Whitsun it will be six years— no, 
sixty years— since I entered the Zionist movement." 

A few days later, together with Wolffsohn and Marmorek, 
he was in Constantinople, at the Hotel Royal, where he had 
been with Newlinsky five years before, but, as he gazed at 
the Golden Horn, he was not moved by its beauty as deeply 
as he had been on the occasion of his first visit. His dominant 
emotion was that evoked by the gravity of his mission. Wel- 
lisch proved a friendly and helpful guide throughout Herzl's 
stay in the Turkish capital, and lost no time in conducting 


him to Tahsin Bey, the Sultan's First Secretary, to arrange 
about the audience. But before this took place, Crespi called 
to remind Herzl of the promise to pay him a monthly salary 
of fifteen hundred francs; and, although Vambery had told 
Herzl that the Crespi-Nouri group had not done and could 
not do anything for him, he nevertheless agreed to keep his 
promise if he could submit his whole plan to the Sultan 
and if a commission was appointed to study the project. He 
also thought it advisable to give Crespi one thousand francs 
to begin with, and to increase this to fifteen hundred a 
month if a commission were set up. 

On May 17, Herzl drove with Wellisch to Yildiz Kiosk 
for the long-awaited reception by Sultan Abdul Hamid. He 
was welcomed by Tahsin Bey, who introduced him to Ibra- 
him Bey, the Master of Ceremonies, and the latter led him 
into the chamber where the ambassadors were assembled. 
Presently, Ibrahim informed him that his Majesty proposed 
to confer upon him the Order of the Medjidje, second class. 
Herzl refused this, as beneath his dignity, whereupon Ibra- 
him retired and soon returned, beaming, with the news that 
his Majesty was pleased to award him the Grand Cordon 
of the Medjidje, the Order of the highest class. This pre- 
liminary over, Ibrahim ushered him into the audience cham- 
ber, where he was greeted by a small thin man, with hook- 
nose, long yellow teeth (one of which was missing), dyed 
beard, and weak, trembling voice, wearing an imposing uni- 
form, with brilliant decorations, colored cuffs, and a fez 
pressed down over his forehead. This was the mighty ruler 
of the Ottoman Empire. He gave Herzl his hand, and sat 
on a divan, with a sword between his legs, while Herzl seated 
himself on an armchair facing him. Ibrahim remained as 

The Sultan began by saying that he always read the Neue 


Freie Presse (although he was ignorant of German), and was 
pleased there were such friendly relations between Turkey 
and Austria. Herzl replied that he was devoted to his Majesty 
because he was good to the Jews, and he was prepared to 
render him any great service. The Sultan observed that he 
was and had always been a friend of the Jews and relied only 
upon Moslems and Jews. Herzl deplored the injustices that 
the Jews suffered throughout the world, and then continued: 
"When Professor Vambery informed me that his Majesty 
wished to receive me, I could not help thinking of the fine 
old fable about Androcles and the lion. His Majesty is the 
lion, perhaps I am Androcles, and perhaps there is a thorn 
to be removed." He explained that he regarded the Ottoman 
Public Debt as the thorn, and, if that could be removed, 
Turkey could develop its vital strength anew. The Sultan 
replied that, since his accession, he had tried in vain to 
remove the thorn that he had inherited from his distin- 
guished predecessors, and that, if Herzl could help to do 
so, it would indeed be helpful. 

Herzl said that he believed he could, but that the first and 
fundamental condition was absolute secrecy. The potentate 
lifted his eyes to heaven, placed his hand on his breast, and 
murmured: "Secret, secret!" Herzl explained that he could 
carry out the operation on all the stock exchanges of Europe, 
through his friends, if only he had the support of his Majesty, 
which must consist of a special pro-Jewish declaration to be 
made known in a suitable manner and at a suitable time. 
The Sultan replied that he could make a pro-Jewish state- 
ment to his Court jeweler, who was a Jew, and ask him to 
put it into the papers. He could also say something to the 
Chief Rabbi, the Haham Bashi. Herzl declined these sugges- 
tions, as such statements would not go beyond Turkey; be- 
sides, he had heard that the Chief Rabbi spat at the mention 


of his name. He would take the liberty of intimating later 
the rioht moment for the announcement, which must be of 
an imposing character. He continued by saying that what 
the country needed was the industrial energy of the Jews, 
who would remain in the land, unlike the Europeans who 
enriched themselves in it and hastened away with their spoil. 
The Sultan observed that in Turkey there were unexploited 
treasures— petroleum springs near Bagdad richer than those 
of the Caucasus, besides gold and silver mines. 

Suddenly, the Sultan asked Herzl if he could recommend 
him a capable financier who could create new sources of 
revenue. Herzl replied that it was a great responsibility to 
recommend somebody of whose probity, as well as com- 
petence, he was convinced, but that he would think the 
matter over. The Sultan then said that he wished to effect 
the unification of the State Debt by taking up a new loan 
in place of the old, and thus realize a profit of one million 
five hundred thousand pounds, to cover the previous year's 
deficit. "What? So little?" exclaimed Herzl with a shru^ of 
the shoulders. He outlined various economic plans, in the 
realization of which his friends Wolffsohn and Marmorek 
could be helpful, but the Sultan would not consider these 
for the present and asked Herzl to occupy himself solely with 
the abolition of the Public Debt. The conversation had now 
lasted two hours and the Sultan had nothing more to say, 
so it ended by Herzl repeating that their understanding must 
remain a deep secret, that a pro-Jewish declaration must be 
made at the suitable moment, and that he should receive an 
exact account of the financial situation and the unification 
project. All three demands were promised. 


After the audience, Ibrahim gave Herzl the Grand Cordon 
of the Medjidje, in a red case, and as Herzl passed into the 
antechamber many palms were outstretched for baksheesh, 
into which he slipped gold coins, an act that he had to 
repeat when he was faced by more itching palms as he left 
the Kiosk. He returned to his hotel tired out, and was 
warmly welcomed by Wolffsohn and Marmorek, but he 
refused to satisfy their curiosity about what had taken place, 
so that they would have no difficulty in remaining discreet. 

The following morning, Herzl was invited by Ibrahim for 
a talk and treated to an improvised lunch, during which 
a blue letter from the Sultan was brought to him, containing 
a tie pin with a yellow diamond— a token of friendship. They 
were joined by Izzet Bey, the Second Secretary, who said 
that he was authorized to explain the plan for unification: 
it was proposed that a syndicate should provide thirty mil- 
lion pounds, with which the Public Debt should be bought 
back on the stock exchange. Herzl thought that the plan 
was preposterous and asked for time to think it over. He 
wanted to have another talk with the Sultan, but was told 
that he was too busy. He therefore returned to the hotel, 
where Nouri and Crespi called for the reward which they 
had done nothing to deserve. Wolffsohn paid them forty 
thousand francs in banknotes, for which Nouri reluctantly 
wrote out a receipt. The latter mentioned that among those 
"on his list" was Izzet Bey, who was to receive seven to 
eight thousand francs. Herzl believed that this was untrue 
and that it was also a lie that Tahsin Bey would be given 
a similar amount. He therefore sent Wolffsohn with a sealed 
letter containing ten thousand francs to the First Secretary, 
to ensure his goodwill. He was revolted by the bribery and 


corruption rampant among the whole of the Court clique, 
extending from the palace gates to the very steps of the 
throne, and wondered who was the real rogue behind the 
mask of the wretched Sultan. Was it Tahsin or Izzet? His 
impression of Abdul Hamid was that he was "a weak, cow- 
ardly, but thoroughly good-natured man, neither malicious 
nor cruel, but a profoundly unhappy prisoner, in whose 
name a rapacious, base scoundrelly camarilla were com- 
mitting the most disgraceful infamies." 

On May 20, Herzl had another talk with Ibrahim in his 
study, and told him that he thought Izzet's plan for a further 
loan was inadvisable and would be harmful, as a usurious 
rate of interest would be demanded. His own proposal was 
that the debt should be bought back quietly on various 
bourses by a trustworthy syndicate, over a period of three 
years, and that a sum of one million five hundred thousand 
pounds should be found to cover requirements until Octo- 
ber, by which time new sources of revenue should be 
rendered available. Ibrahim wrote this all down as a report, 
which he sealed in an envelope and sent to the Sultan. 
Presently Izzet sprang into the room like a "panther cat," 
with the report in his hand, fuming w^ith anger because 
Herzl had described his plan as harmful. Herzl defended his 
view that it was impossible to find thirty million pounds, 
whereupon Izzet said that they needed four million pounds 
in the near future; could Herzl find it? He replied that it 
would depend upon the attitude of the Sultan to the Jews, 
but that he would consult his friends and give an answer 
in three or four weeks. Izzet went on to say that Jews who 
would settle in Turkey would have to become Turkish sub- 
jects and do military service, and they would be dispersed in 
little groups. Herzl was opposed to such dispersion: he 
suggested the formation of a great land company, to whicbi 


uncultivated land could be assigned for settlement. If the 
company were granted a suitable concession, it could culti- 
vate the land, settle people on it, and pay taxes, and a loan 
could be obtained in advance on the income from this 
company. Herzl thus tactfully unfolded the idea of a Charter 
for the first time, without mentioning the word. Izzet left 
the room, but soon returned, and conveyed farewell greetings 
from the Sultan, who would expect positive proposals in 
four weeks' time. 

Herzl was back in Vienna on May 23, but did not go to 
the office of the Neiie Freie Presse, as he wished to pay a visit 
to Paris and London to find money for the Charter. He 
wrote a letter to Benedikt, stating that he found his position 
on the paper irksome, as he was not allowed complete con- 
trol over the literary department and there was always a 
to-do if he wanted to go away for a week or two. Since his 
principal value to the paper consisted of his feuilletons, he 
would continue to supply one every week wherever he was, 
and when he was in Vienna he would call at the office every 
day; but this arrangement would be acceptable to him only 
if his salary remained the same. He asked for a reply to be 
sent to his father, as he would be away for another fortnight, 
which would complete his holiday. He first went to Franzens- 
feste, in Tyrol, to see Vambery, who, after congratulating him 
on his audience at Yildiz Kiosk, asked him to draw up a 
Charter, which he would submit to the Sultan in September 
for his signature. Herzl next went to Karlsruhe, where he 
asked the Grand Duke of Baden to secure him an audience 
with the Tsar, as he wished to dissipate the Sultan's fear of 
Russian hostility to a Jewish settlement in Palestine. The 
Grand Duke, who complimented him heartily on his audi- 


ence with the Sultan, promised that he would write to the 
Grand Duke Constantine to receive him, and would let him 
know as soon as possible. 

Herzl then went on to Paris and asked Reitlinger if he 
could obtain a million and a half pounds to secure the 
Charter, as he was doubtful whether he could get it from the 
Jewish Colonization Association. Since Reitlinger was un- 
able to procure the amount asked, Herzl went, together with 
Nordau and Alexander Marmorek, to ask Chief Rabbi Zadok 
Kahn to try to arrange an interview with Baron Edmond de 
Rothschild. The result was a rebuff, whereupon Herzl wrote 
to Sir Francis Montefiore to come over and approach the 
Pereires. Sir Francis came, but failed to get into touch with 
this wealthy family. Herzl's disappointment was aggravated 
by the attitude of Nordau and other leading Zionists to his 
reception by the Sultan. Nordau disparaged its importance, 
while Ussishkin, Tschlenow, and Bernstein-Kohan, members 
of the Actions Committee, who had come to Paris to solicit 
help from Baron de Rothschild and the I.C.A. for some 
Hovevei Zion settlements in Palestine, without success, told 
Marmorek that they were not impressed. The dejection that 
came over Herzl found utterance in his Diary in the follow- 
ing passage (under June 1): 

If the Jewish State should one day exist, everything will 
appear small and a matter of course. Perhaps a just historian 
will find that it was after all something if a Jewish journalist 
without means, in the midst of the deepest humiliation, at a 
time of the most outrageous anti-Semitism, made a flag out of 
a rag and turned a sunken rabble into a people which rallied 
round it upright. 

But all this and adroitness in negotiations with Powers and 
princes are nothing. Nobody can appreciate what I have done 
and suffered who does not know (1) what I had to put up with 


these six years on the Neue Freie Presse, where I had to tremble 
for the bread of my children, (2) what anxieties and troubles I 
had to find the money for propaganda, and (3) who were my 
fellow workers. The best intentioned were either too poor or 
prevented or unsuitable. 

The effect of the fatiguing labors that he had undergone and 
of the fruitless efforts he had made showed itself one eve- 
ning when he was driving through the Bois de Boulogne. 
He again had an attack of cerebral anemia and returned to 
his hotel in a state of collapse. "Some day," he wrote, "I 
shall remain in this state." The only thing that cheered him 
up before he left Paris was an amiable reply from Benedikt, 
who wrote that he depended upon him for his future col- 
laboration and would like to have a sensible talk with him 
after his return to Vienna. 

On June 10, he was again in London, and on the following 
day he was once more the honored guest of The Mac- 
cabaeans, to whom he had first unfolded his scheme five 
years before. He delivered his speech (which had been trans- 
lated by Israel Zang^vill) in English before a large and 
distinguished company, which included Vambery. He said 
that, after his visit to Constantinople, it was natural that 
people asked him: "What's the news?" To that he would 
counter with the question: "Are you ready to help him who 
wishes to help you? How great, how quick is your readiness?" 
He spoke with a certain reserve, but on one point he was clear 
and emphatic: he needed one and a half million pounds in 
addition to the capital already subscribed to the Jewish 
Colonial Trust, He also appealed for that amoimt in a mani- 
festo cabled to America by a news agency. 


He was lionized a great deal during the fortnight that he 
spent in England and was invited to many West End homes, 
but not to any Jewish one except that of Sir Francis Monte- 
fiore. There he met Princess Lowenstein, through whom he 
hoped to obtain an introduction to King Edward VII, and 
when this hope faded away, he approached Dr. Boyd Car- 
penter, Bishop of Ripon, for the same purpose. The Bishop 
was sympathetic and willing, but could not arrange such an 
interview in twenty-four hours. Another person whom Herzl 
was anxious to meet, for financial reasons, was the American 
millionaire, Andrew Carnegie. Bishop Bramley Moore, of 
the Irvingite "Apostolic Church," who was an ardent Zion- 
ist, undertook to reach Carnegie through the Duke of Nor- 
thumberland, but without success; nor did any better fortune 
attend the efforts of Zang^vill, through the medium of Rud- 
yard Kipling. It was for financial reasons also that Herzl had 
a talk in the house of Dr. Caster with Claude Montefiore, 
the leader of Liberal Judaism, who, although an arch-op- 
ponent of Zionism, nevertheless promised to submit Herzl's 
scheme objectively to the Council of the Jewish Colonization 
Association, of which he was an influential member. And the 
banker Isaac Seligman promised that, as soon as the Charter 
was given, he would tackle Sir Samuel Montagu and other 

But although the prospect of obtaining one and a half 
million pounds seemed as remote as ever, Herzl, while taking 
a brief rest at Richmond, wrote a long letter to the Sultan 
on June 17, in which he said that he and his triends were 
doing their utmost to procure money for him, on condition 
that he make a suitable declaration favorable to the Jews. 
He outlined the formation of an Ottoman Jewish Company, 
with a capital of five million pounds, for the development 
of agriculture, industry, and commerce in Asia Minor, Pal- 


estine, and Syria. This company, after giving the Turkish 
Government a loan of one and a half million pounds, would 
organize Jewish immigration, investigate methods of creating 
new sources of revenue, and pay an increasing amount in 
taxes as its activities expanded, and thus, at the same time, 
"the thorn would be removed from the lion." If his Majesty 
wanted the money by October, then the concessions (by 
which Herzl meant the Charter) for the company must be 
fixed at the beginning of July. He concluded by saying that 
he was prepared to come to Constantinople as soon as his 
Majesty wished, when he would submit his plan in detail, 
and he thought it desirable that Professor Vambery, who 
had a knowledge of the general situation in the country, 
should also be invited. He could have written all this while 
he was still in Constantinople, but he wished to impress the 
Sultan with what he had done in his interest in Paris and 
London. There was one other thingr that he wrote while at 
Richmond— an entertaining feuilleton for the Neue Freie 
Presse, entitled "Summer in London," in which he described 
the scene in Kew Gardens on a fine Sunday afternoon and 
the various outdoor sports of the English people. 

On returning to Vienna, Herzl heard from the Grand 
Duke of Baden that he had received a reply from the Grand 
Duke Constantine saying that he was afraid of a refusal from 
the Tsar, Dr. Katzenelsohn, of Libau, one of the leading 
Zionists in Russia, informed him at the same time that he 
had learned that a high Russian officer. General von Hesse, 
was willing to try to approach the Tsar but would want 
ten thousand roubles (about five thousand dollars). Herzl 
had no money for the purpose and thought it better to await 
a reply from the Sultan before making any further attempt 
to see the Tsar. His all-absorbing concern was the problem of 
finding money for the Charter. On reading in the papers that 


Cecil Rhodes (1853-1902) was expected in London in the 
latter part of July, it occurred to him that Rhodes, as an 
imperialist visionary, would be interested in the idea of a 
Jewish State and attracted by the prospect of making a big 
profit on a loan to secure the Charter. He therefore wrote 
to Joseph Cowen (a director of the Jewish Colonial Trust) 
to obtain an introduction to Rhodes through the journalist, 
W. T. Stead, and, if the proposal appealed to Rhodes, Herzl 
would be prepared to come to London to discuss it with him. 
After Stead had seen Rhodes, he wrote to Cowen: "Rhodes 
said: 'If he wants any tip from me, I have only one word 
to say, and that is: let him put money in his purse'— which 
was very characteristic of Rhodes." Despite this discouraging 
opening, Herzl wrote further letters to Cowen, suggesting 
that he obtain the friendly intervention of a South African 
mineowner. Max Langermann, who had promised him his 
help when in Vienna and who was now in London. As Rhodes 
had gone off to Scotland, Herzl wrote to Cowen, more 
pressingly, on August 4: 

1 am constantly thinking about this Cecil matter and look 
upon it at the moment as the most important thing, more im- 
portant than Sultan, Tsar, Kaiser, and King. He loves financial 
profit, he and his friends can make £2,000,000 and more if he 
helps us. You know, Joe, that I am no illusionist or prattler. 
When I say it, I know what I am saying.^ 

But nearly three months had passed without any development 
when Herzl learned that Dr. Starr Jameson, the intimate 
friend of Rhodes, was staying at Salso Maggiore, near Parma. 
He therefore wrote to Cowen again, on October 20, urging 
him to write immediately to Jameson to arrange a meeting 

2 Jewish Chronicle, September 9, 1949. 


with Rhodes at Parma. But the suggestion hung fire: the 
imperialist visionary was apparently not interested. 

While dominated by the thought of Rhodes as the most 
likely financial savior, Herzl did not relax in his efforts to 
obtain a satisfactory response from Yildiz Kiosk. As nearly 
two months elapsed without a reply to his letter of June 17, 
he wrote repeatedly to Vambery that he should advise the 
Sultan that, throu&h his silence, he was running the risk 
of losing a valuable friend. There was still no reply, so at 
the end of August, Herzl sent a letter of birthday felicita- 
tions enclosed in a letter to Ibrahim Bey, whom he asked to 
remind his Majesty of the fable about the lion and the thorn. 
The Master of Ceremonies acknowledged the congratula- 
tions, but made no allusion to the fable. Another month 
passed, but there was still no reply, so Herzl wrote to the 
Sultan again and again in vain. His patience becoming ex- 
hausted, he went to see Vambery on October 8, and urged 
him to write a pressing letter to the Sultan and to go to 
Constantinople himself. He also addressed an appeal to 
Nouri to influence Izzet Bey. Still no reply. In his de- 
spondency he sought solace in the dramatization of a story, 
Solon in Lydia, which he had written in the previous year. 
On October 23, he again wrote to the Sultan that he was 
ready to come any day to relieve him of his finarbcial diffi- 
culties, but his letter, like all previous ones, remained un- 
answered. Two months later, he sent still a further letter to 
inform the Sultan that the Zionist Congress would be meet- 
ing again in a few days' time, that he would dispatch a 
message of homage at the opening of the proceedings, and 
would be grateful to receive in reply an expression of his 


Majesty's goodwill. To make as sure as he could of a favor- 
able response, he informed Ibrahim Bey, in a covering letter, 
that he had obtained a typewriter with Turkish letters, 
specially made in America for the Sultan, and that it would 
be tried out in Europe for the first time at the Turkish 
Embassy in Vienna. 

Such, then, was the situation when Herzl faced the Fifth 
Zionist Congress, which opened in Basle on December 26, 
1901. In his inaugural address, he said that during the past 
five years the movement had not experienced any opposition 
from nations or governments; on the contrary, these should 
be grateful to Zionism for showing^ how to deal with the 
Jewish question, not with medieval cruelty but by the most 
peaceful methods. He referred to the audience that he had had 
in the previous May with Sultan Abdul Hamid, and said: 
'Trom the words and the attitude of his Majesty, I gained 
the conviction that the Jewish people has a friend and patron 
in the reigning Caliph. The Sultan has authorized me to 
say this publicly." He spoke with gratification of the con- 
tinued progress of the movement in all parts of the world, of 
the creative impetus it had given to Jewish art, literature, 
and scholarship, and of the success achieved by tlie Jewish 
Colonial Trust, ^vhich, although maligned, was now able to 
begin operations. "How quickly or how slowly," he con- 
cluded, "the results at which we are aiming will materialize, 
we cannot determine. We could only set up the plant, we 
cannot provide the power. The power must be supplied by 
the Jewish people— if it wishes." 

At the end of the second day of the Congress, there arrived 
a friendly acknowledgment from the Sultan of the message 
of homage that had been wired to him on the first day, and 
Herzl heaved a great sigh of relief. He was able to participate 
in all the discussions that followed with a liehter heart 


and with hope undiminished. "From the evening of my 
arrival on December 25 until the minute of my departure 
on New Year's eve," he wrote, "I came out of one dis- 
cussion into another. Sittings from ten in the morning until 
four the next morning. In the intervals disputes to settle, 
insults to smooth out, etc." There were the usual features of 
previous Congresses— an oratorical address by Nordau (this 
time on "Questions of the physical, intellectual, and eco- 
nomic amelioration of the Jews"), and reports and discus- 
sions on organization, finance, the Jewish Colonial Trust, 
and Jewish culture. Some changes were made in the con- 
stitution in consequence of the numerical growth of the 
Orranization, and it was decided that in future the Conoress 
should be held every two years instead of annually. 

There was also an unusual feature, the emergence for the 
first time of a party. It was a compact group of young Zion- 
ists, called "Democratic Zionist Fraction," mainly from 
Russia, and consisting of disciples of Ahad Ha-am, but differ- 
ing from him in adhering to the principle of a legally 
secured home as the basic condition for national cultural 
development. Among its leading members were Chaim Weiz- 
mann, Martin Buber, and Leo Motzkin. They insisted upon 
greater attention being devoted to Jewish national culture, 
and Weizmann proposed the founding of a Jewish Hoch- 
schule (higher grade school). Their zealous devotion to their 
program made them see a slight in the manner in which the 
President dealt with the resolutions that they introduced, 
and it was some time before the clash between them was 
disposed of and the proceedings could continue along their 
course. The Democratic Zionist Fraction, which published 
a detailed program six months later, was the first party to 
arise in the movement, but it soon dissolved, though its de- 


mand for immediate practical work in Palestine was energeti- 
cally advanced at subsequent Congresses. 

A more notable and probably the most important outcome 
of this Fifth Zionist Congress was the decision to establish 
the Jewish National Fund for the acquisition of land in 
Palestine as the inalienable possession of the Jewish people, 
a fund that was to be built up entirely on voluntary con- 
tributions from Jews throughout the world and which was 
destined to play a vital part in the development of Jewish 
Palestine. The Congress concluded with the re-election of 
Herzl as President, and as soon as it was over, he went to 
Venice for a short rest. 


Yildiz Kiosk and New Court 


clung for a time to the hope that his friends in London 
would help to find the money necessary for the realization of 
his plan. He received a letter from Joseph Cowen, stating 
that he was renewing his efforts to arrange an interview 
with Cecil Rhodes, whereupon he replied that, owing to 
his journalistic duties, he could not leave for England unless 
Rhodes were really seriously interested in his proposal. 
Cowen further informed him that Israel Zangwill was trying, 
with the help of Lord Suffield, to form a financial group, 
and wished to have a full explanation of the position. Ac- 
cordingly, Herzl replied with a very long letter, rather like 
a memorandum with financial technicalities, in which he 
explained that the nominal amount of the Ottoman Public 
Debt was eighty-five million pounds but was quoted at 
twenty-two million pounds, and that the group proposing to 
acquire it must be good for the latter sum, though it need not 
provide the whole amount at the outset. He thought that 
such an operation could be more easily undertaken by Cecil 
Rhodes or Lord Rothschild than by the group contemplated 
by Zangwill. He also pointed out that a former Finance 
Minister of France, Rouvier, was busily occupied with plans 
to secure the Debt, and that it would be in British interests 
to circumvent him. However, neither Cowen nor Zangvvill 
was able to achieve anything. Rhodes soon returned to South 



Africa and died a couple of months later, and the Suffield 
group never materialized. 

In this cheerless situation, Herzl indulged in one of his 
habitual moods of introspection. In his Diary,^ under Janu- 
ary 24, 1902, he wrote: 

Zionism was the Sabbath of my life. 

I believe that my influence as leader is to be attributed to the 
fact that I, who, as man and writer, have and had so many 
faults and committed so many mistakes and stupidities, was of 
a pure heart in the Zionist cause and quite selfless. 

A brighter prospect now seemed to present itself to him 
personally, at least momentarily. It was announced that the 
Vienna weekly. Die Zeit, was going to be converted into a 
daily, which would mean serious competition for the Neue 
Freie Presse. Benedikt became very apprehensive, and Herzl 
discussed the matter with him for two hours while pacing 
up and down in the courtyard of the Schwarzenberg Palace, 
but without screwing up courage to offer to buy his interest, 
which he eagerly desired. On returning home, however, he 
wrote a letter to Benedikt, to the effect that, if he wished to 
sell out, he had friends who could find money for the 
purchase. After showing his parents the letter and receiving 
their approval, he sent it to Benedikt's private residence. 
The next day, he saw Benedikt in Bacher's room, but made 
no allusion to the matter. When he returned to his own 
room, he had another attack of cerebral anemia, about which 
he told nobody, as his parents would hear of it and be upset. 
"But this will carry me off one day," he wrote in his Diary: ^ 

I can imagine what death is: a growing insufficiency of con- 
sciousness, in which the sensation of this wasting away is the 

1 Tagehilcher, vol. Ill, p. 115. 

2 TagebiXcher, vol. Ill, p. 120. 


pain. ... If I were soon to die my parents would mourn for 
me most, then, to a less extent, consoled by their youth, my 
children— and the entire Jewish people. 

The omission of any mention of his wife was pathetically 
significant. Before many days rolled by, he realized that the 
hope of becoming part proprietor of the Neue Freie Presse 
was a mere chimera. 

Suddenly, on February 4, he received a telegram from 
Ibrahim Bey, asking him to come to Constantinople im- 
mediately "to furnish certain explanations." He was per- 
turbed and puzzled by this phrase and found the invitation 
at that moment inconvenient. There might be trouble if 
he again absented himself from the Neue Freie Presse, he 
felt uneasy in his mind because of his public references to 
the Charter, he still had no money for it, he would not know 
what to do with it, and it was a bad time for a journey. But 
after wiring to Dr. Wellisch and learning that Ibrahim had 
acted on instructions from the Sultan, and after receiving 
a second telewam from the Master of Ceremonies, he had 
no alternative but to go. As his wife was unwell at the time, 
he had to put off his departure for a few days, during which 
he telegraphed to Cowen to join him. He had also, in a 
state of mental worry, to write a feuilleton on Japanese actors 
and was quite satisfied with the result. 

He made a brief halt in Budapest on February 12, to call 
on Vambery, who told him that the Sultan obviously needed 
him, and from there traveled to Constantinople with Cowen. 
Owing to the railway line from Philippopolis being flooded, 
they had to go through Rumania and sail from Constanza to 
Constantinople, where they arrived two days later. They 
were met by Wellisch, who accompanied them to the palace 
and conducted them to Ibrahim's study. The Master of Cere- 


monies told Herzl that the Sultan was too tired to see him 
until the next day, and wished him to regard himself as his 

Without further ado, Ibrahim began by asking what was 
the object of the Zionist Congress. Herzl explained that it 
was to promote the Jewish national movement, which was 
opposed to the absorption of the Jews among other nations. 
Ibrahim then said that a misleading report had been pub- 
lished, that Herzl had announced that the Sultan had agreed 
to the immigration of Jews into Palestine to establish a 
Jewish kingdom, and the report had been denied by a 
Turkish Embassy. Herzl declared that he had stated only 
what the Sultan had authorized him in the previous May to 
say, and that he had informed his Majesty of it beforehand. 
Thereupon Ibrahim replied with a smile that they knew 
that Dr. Herzl could not have said anything incorrect. "If it 
had been otherwise, the Sultan would not have invited you 
to be his guest." They then sat down to have lunch, during 
which Tahsin Bey, the Sultan's First Secretary, looked in 
and whispered to Ibrahim, and withdrew again without 
CTeetins Herzl. 

After lunch, they were joined by Izzet Bey, the Second 
Secretary, who asked Herzl brusquely: "What was the pur- 
pose of your visit last May?" Herzl replied that he had al- 
ready explained it then: it was to come to the help of Turkey 
if she were also willing to help the Jews. Izzet then said it 
was understood that Herzl would render them moral and 
material support, as Jews were influential in the press and 
in finance, but that nothing of the sort had occurred: only 
declarations had been made in London and Basle. There- 
upon Herzl replied that those declarations were necessary to 


create a feeling of sympathy in favor of his Majesty among 
the Jews of the whole world, and in that respect he believed 
he had succeeded. 

Izzet proceeded to expound the Sultan's views. His Majesty 
was willing to open his Empire to Jewish refugees from all 
lands, on condition that they accepted Ottoman citizenship, 
with all its duties, including military service, after giving 
up their original nationality, and they could settle in all 
provinces of his dominions except— for the beginning— in 
Palestine. In return, the Sultan requested Herzl to form a 
syndicate for the unification of the Ottoman Debt and also to 
undertake a concession for the exploitation of all the mines 
in his Empire— gold, silver, coal, and petroleum— to be oper- 
ated by an Ottoman company with a board consisting only 
of Jews and Moslems. Herzl said that he must have time 
for reflection, and it was agreed that he would give a written 
reply the next day. He then presented Izzet with a precious 
snuffbox, which was accepted with pleasure. 

In his written reply, Herzl accepted in principle the Sul- 
tan's offer that he should form an Ottoman company for the 
exploitation of mines. But as for the proposal to welcome 
oppressed Jews, who should not settle in a mass in any par- 
ticular region, in return for which a Jewish syndicate should 
be created for the unification of the Ottoman Debt, Herzl 
could not agree to any restrictions applying to their settle- 
ment. He submitted that there must be a direct connection 
between the Jewish colonization and the unification opera- 
tion, and this could be effected only by means of a general 
concession for the formation of a great Ottoman-Jewish 
Colonization Society. Herzl handed his letter, which was in 
French, to Ibrahim) who had it translated into Turkish for 
the benefit of the Sultan. 

They then sat down to lunch and were joined by Izzet, 



who, after reading the letter, wanted to know whether the 
company would have the right to choose and buy land 
wherever they wanted and to settle Jews there. "Yes," replied 
Herzl. "That is essential. We are not concerned about in- 
dividual protection, which we already have in all civilized 
countries, but about national protection." Their Excellencies 
asked him what this meant, to which he replied: "An invita- 
tion to immigrate without any restriction." Izzet thereupon 
took the letter to the Sultan, and Ibrahim and the Deputy 
Master of Ceremonies, Ghalib Bey, grew enthusiastic at the 
prospect of the prosperity in the country that would result 
from the influx of Jews. But Izzet soon returned from the 
Sultan with an unfavorable reply: the districts to be settled 
must be determined in each case by the government. "The 
Ottoman-Jewish Company shall have the right to colonize 
in Mesopotamia, Syria, Anatolia, anywhere, only not in 

"A Charter without Palestine! I refused straightway," 
w^rote Herzl in his Diary.^ 

He then composed a second letter to the Sultan, in which 
he proposed that if colonization without restrictions were 
granted, he and his friends would establish a big Ottoman 
bank with headquarters in Constantinople and branches in 
all important cities, which would be of benefit to the whole 
country. If his Majesty could not agree, Herzl asked for 
permission to depart, but wished for another audience to 
thank him for his gracious welcome. If his Majesty had no 
time for him, he would like to offer him two presents— his 
Philosophical Tales and a Turkish- Arabic typewriter. Ibra- 
him translated the letter into Turkish and sent it to the 
Sultan, after which Herzl presented the Master of Cere- 
monies and his Deputy with gold pencils studded with gems. 

3 Tagebiicher, vol. Ill, p. 138. 


The second letter was also fruitless. Izzet told Herzl that 
the Sultan could not agree to unrestricted immigration, and 
that it was a mistake to believe that "an absolute ruler could 
do what he wished." He then proffered Herzl the friendly 
advice that he should first establish himself as a financier in 
the country and he would then be "the master." After 
further discussion, they came to an understanding that the 
Sultan should grant Herzl three firmans for the exploitation 
of mines, for the establishment of a bank, and for the forma- 
tion of a Colonization Company, for each of which he should 
deposit in a bank the sum of one million francs, to be paid 
when the finiiaii was promulgated. 

Early in the morning of his fourth and last day in Con- 
stantinople, February 18, Herzl went to the palace in the 
expectation that he would be permitted to see the Sultan 
and take formal leave. Instead, he was confronted with a 
protocol setting forth the terms to which Abdul Hamid was 
prepared to agree. These were that Jews should immigrate 
into Asia Minor and Mesopotamia and settle, "not in 
masses," in districts to be indicated by the Government, in 
return for which a Jewish financial syndicate should be 
formed (a) to exploit the mines of the Empire, (b) to imple- 
ment the unification of the Ottoman Public Debt under 
advantageous conditions, and (c) to lend the Ottoman Gov- 
ernment sums necessary to carry out its projects of public 
works. When Herzl was asked to sign this protocol, he added 
a paragraph to the effect that, having taken note of its 
contents, he was regretfully obliged to declare that the 
aforementiona] conditions seem.ed inacceptable to him, but 
that he remained at the disposal of his Imperial Majesty for 
other negotiations. 

While he was writing, somebody from the Sultan came 
and brought him two hundred pounds in a bag for his 


traveling expenses. Herzl shrugged his shoulders in surprise 
and asked if he could offer the money back for some chari- 
table purpose, Izzet replied that he should first accept and 
sign a receipt, after which he could do with the money as 
he pleased. Herzl thought that if he returned it to "their 
Excellencies," they would have no compunction in keeping 
it, and there would be no proof that he had given it back. 
He therefore decided to retain it for the benefit of the poor 
Zionist treasury. As he prepared to leave, Izzet asked him, 
in the name of the Sultan, to inquire of the directors of the 
Neue Freie Presse how much they wanted for their friendly 
support. He parted from Izzet and Ibrahim with the remark 
that he was "laden with gold" and hoped to meet them 
again; and as he passed through vestibules and corridors and 
beyond, as far as the gates of Yildiz Kiosk, he was greeted 
by a gauntlet of outstretched hands with palms uppermost, 
into which he dropped gold coins. He felt like an Oriental 
prince in "Wonderland," from whom a rain of gold was 
expected, and he had little doubt that the eyes of many who 
saw the spectacle were those of spies. He believed that they 
would be thinking— if the lackeys and janitors received so 
much, how much more bountiful was the larsresse bestowed 
upon the Excellencies in the long and secret conferences! 
He looked upon the distribution of these gold coins as a 
most fruitful investment. 

Meanwhile, Cowen had settled the bill at the hotel and 
brought the luggage to the pier, and Herzl, when he handed 
him the tied-up bag of gold, asked him to leave it like that 
until they would put it on the table at the meeting of the 
Executive. They had a very rough passage in the wretched 
Rumanian steamer, which was tossed to and fro on the 
tempestuous waters of the Black Sea, and as there was a 
dense mist, there was the added risk of collidino; with an- 


Other vessel and sinking. After they had landed safely at 
Constanza and were smoothly traveling westward, they ex- 
changed the thoughts that had flitted through their minds as 
they had lain sick in their musty cabins. Herzl had imagined 
that if they had been drowned, and if Constantinople were 
conquered some day by the Russians or the Bulgarians, the 
receipt with his signature would be found and he would be 
pilloried as "a hireling of the Red Sultan." Cowen said 
that he found the bag of gold in his pocket so heavy that 
he was determined, at the first sign of danger, to throw it 
overboard, as he feared that its weight would pull him down. 

When Herzl, back in Vienna, had his first meeting with 
the Executive on February 20, they decided to devote the 
two hundred pounds to some Turkish cause. He therefore 
called on the Turkish Ambassador and offered him the 
money for the Hedjaz Railway or for an asylum for the poor. 
The disappointment that he felt over his visit to Yildiz Kiosk, 
which was aggravated by the refusal of the Sultan and his 
First Secretary to receive him, was followed by annoyance 
when a telegram came from Leopold J. Greenberg, stating 
that some London papers reported that he had already ob- 
tained the Charter. He therefore telephoned to the cor- 
respondents of the Daily News and the Daily Mail to 
contradict the report, and he wired to Wellisch that he 
should inform Ibrahim that he had published a denial. 
Despite the failure of his efforts, however, he wrote to Izzet 
that he would let him know by March 15 in what bank he 
would deposit the three sums of a million francs each for 
the three concessions, and that they would remain there 
until May 15. He suggested to Benno Reitlinger that he 


should take over the concession for the mines, but that 
cautious financier considered that the proposition was too 
risky and costly, although he thought that the Jewish Colo- 
nial Trust could undertake it with advantage. On March 13, 
however, he was surprised to receive a letter from Wellisch, 
saying that Ibrahim had instructed him to request Herzl to 
do nothing until further advice, and his consternation was 
increased by two items of news in that day's Neue Freie 
Presse. One was that the Sultan had given a dinner in honor 
of the French Ambassador, Constans, and received him in 
special audience; the other was that the Sultan had approved 
of Rouvier's scheme for the unification of the Ottoman 
Debt. Herzl thus felt driven to the conclusion that Abdul 
Hamid had sent for him only to exact better terms from 

Despite the unpromising situation, Herzl convened a meet- 
ing of the Board and the Council of the Jewish Colonial 
Trust on March 17, and secured their authority to obtain 
three letters of credit for a million francs each, to be de- 
posited in three separate banks in London, Paris, and Berlin. 
He wrote to Izzet later that he had shown the letters to the 
Turkish Ambassador, and also wrote to Ibrahim that he 
was at last forwarding the Turkish typewriter and his Philo- 
sophical Tales for the Sultan. But there was obviously no 
coordination between Abdul Hamid's secretaries, for the 
Ambassador told Herzl that he had received an inquiry from 
Tahsin about the letters of credit and also about Herzl 
himself. The latter query was obviously a pretence and in- 
tended to obtain a report on the personality of the Zionist 
leader. Herzl explained that he had been invited to Con- 
stantinople by the Sultan and pledged to secrecy concerning 
his negotiations, whereupon the Ambassador assured him 
that he would send Tahsin a favorable report. But it soon 


became clear that Herzl was indulging in false hopes, as he 
received a letter from Wellisch to the effect that Izzet wished 
him to withdraw the letters of credit, and the Ambassador 
received one from Tahsin, who wrote that the deposit of 
those documents was based on a misunderstanding. Herzl, 
however, understood the situation perfectly well. His com- 
ment in his Diary was: "I only wanted to show them money— 
so that they should not forget me." 

Herzl suffered a further rebuff when the Turkish Ambas- 
sador informed him, on April 12, that he had received a 
letter from Tahsin, stating that the gift of two hundred 
pounds for the Hedjaz Railway must be returned. He there- 
upon explained the origin of this money, and decided to 
devote it to Zionist purposes. The only satisfaction that he 
had during this period of successive disappointments was 
that he was reaching the conclusion of his romance of Pales- 
tine, Altneuland, to which he had devoted all the precious 
leisure of the past three years, and which he at last com- 
pleted on April 30. But he was not going to be deterred 
from his efforts to achieve his aim at Yildiz Kiosk. If he 
could not do so by his offer of financial help, he would 
try another and, as he hoped, more acceptable method. 
He therefore wrote a letter to the Sultan, on May 3, pro- 
posing the establishment in Jerusalem of a Jewish university, 
comprehensive in scope and advanced in character, which 
would be open to Ottoman students, so that they need not 
go to foreign lands where they were exposed to re\olution- 
ary influences. In a covering letter to Ibrahim, he stated that 
this project would not entail any expense on the part of the 
Ottoman Government and that he was prepared to come to 
Constantinople to explain the details. The reply that he 
received from Izzet was that the Government thanked him 
for his offer, but as they were now occupied with plans for 


bettering the state of their treasury and obtaining new 
sources of income, they would welcome the collaboration of 
Jewish financiers and would like to consider definite pro- 
posals. Herzl responded by saying that he could submit his 
proposals only verbally and was prepared to come in a few 
day^, while, in a covering letter, he added that he was an- 
noyed that his gift of a Turkish typewriter had not been 
accepted. Izzet's request was amplified by Wellisch, who 
wrote that what was wanted was a more advantageous scheme 
than Rouvier's for the consolidation of the Ottoman Debt, 
a syndicate for the exploitation of the mines, and another 
syndicate for the founding of a bank. In short, Herzl was 
back again at the stage that he had left several weeks before, 
and Izzet was apparently pursuing a course of which Tahsin 
was kept in ignorance. 

Meanwhile, the Zionist leader had been informed by 
Greenberg that he would be invited to give evidence in 
London before the Royal Commission on Alien Immigration, 
which had been set up by the British Government largely 
in consequence of the persistent press agitation against the 
influx of Jews from Eastern Europe. He therefore wrote 
to Izzet that he was prepared to undertake the three tasks 
required of him, but he was first going to London to discuss 
them with his friends. He broke his journey at Paris, where 
he wrote in his Diary,^ under June 4, 1902, in a further spell 
of introspection: 

Now 1 am an aging and famous man. I preferred the time of 
my youth despite its attacks of melancholy. 

... In the Jewish question 1 have become world-famous as 
an agitator. As a writer, particulaily as a dramatist, I count for 
nothing, for less than nothing. They call me only a good jour- 
nalist—although I feel and know that I am or was a writer of 

4 Tagebiicher, vol. Ill, p. 207. 


great caliber, who did not give his full measure only because 
he felt disgusted and discouraged. 

There was another important reason why he went to 
London, where he arrived a few days later: it was to have 
his first interview with Lord Rothschild. He had written to 
the leader of Anglo-Jewry for this purpose two months pre- 
viously, after having at length overcome his repugnance to 
do so. Since the efforts of all his friends in London to arrange 
such a meeting had failed, he thought that the importance 
of a talk with the most influential Jew in England was so 
vital a factor in his plans that he must pocket his pride, even 
at the risk of a rebuff. Rothschild was the only Jewish 
member of the Commission on Alien Immigration, of which 
Lord James of Hereford (a member of the Balfour Cabinet) 
was the Chairman, and after Greenberg had secured the 
latter's consent to Herzl beinsr invited as a witness, he had 
no difficulty in inducing Rothschild to agree to receive 
him, as the financial magnate wanted to know what sort of 
statements the Zionist leader would make. But both the 
interview and the evidence before the Commission had 
suddenly to be postponed, for on the night of the day of 
Herzl's arrival, June 9, on returning to the hotel from the 
theatre, he found a telegram from his wife with the message: 
"Papa very ill. Return Vienna immediately." He felt sure 
that it meant his father had died. He at once began prepara- 
tions to leave by the next train for the Continent, and in 
the small hours of the morning he wrote in his Diary: ^ 

I believe that I was always a loyal, grateful, respectful son 
to my good father, who did a tremendous deal for me. How 
5 Tagebiicher, vol. Ill, p. 210. 


much he went through with me, supported me, comforted me, 
after he had educated and kept me so long. The journeys on 
which I learned so much, I owe to him. And now I am not at 
home when he closes his eyes. . . . What a support he was to 
me continually, what a counsellor! Like a tree he stood beside 
me. Now the tree is gone. 

Just before leaving London, he received a telegram from 
the doctor: "Father died painlessly in sudden attack." He 
took the boat to Ostend, and when his train reached Cologne 
his friend Wolffsohn offered to accompany him, but he 
wished to complete the sorrowful journey alone. 

He was very deeply affected by the death of his father. Ten 
days later, when he was with his family at Alt Aussee, he 

Everything passes. Now I sit again at my writing-desk of last 
summer, and of my father I have nothing more than his picture, 
which stands before me. He has quite gone out of my life. Only 
this picture tells me how he looked whom I shall never see again. 

But his sorrow in no way lessened the vigilance with which 
he pursued his political aim. He wrote to the Sultan that he 
had learned from the papers that the Rouvier scheme had 
been approved, that what now remained to be undertaken 
was the exploitation of the mines and the founding of a new 
bank, and that he awaited definite instructions as to how to 

He was back again in London on July 3, and on the 
following day had his long-coveted interview with Lord 
Rothschild. As he made his way to the famous bank at New 
Court, he reflected that it had taken seven years to obtain the 
opportunity to explain his scheme to the unchallenged head 
of the Anglo-Jewish community. He was aware that Roths- 
child, then a man of sixty-two, owed his influential position 


to the fact that he combined the prestige of the first Jew to 
be elevated to the House of Lords with that of a leading 
financier in the City of London and a director of the Bank 
of England, while he was also President of the United 
Synagogue and a generous philanthropist. They were soon 
seated comfortably facing each other, beginning in English 
and continuing in German. 

Rothschild said that he did not believe in Zionism or that 
the Jews would ever get Palestine. He was an Englishman 
and wished to remain one. He wished Herzl to say "this 
and that" to the Commission, and not to say "this and that." 
As Rothschild was somewhat hard of hearing, Herzl began 
to outshout him. He said that he would tell the Commission 
what he considered right: that had always been his practice 
and he would keep to it. He declared that it was untrue that 
the Powers were against the Jews going to Palestine, and 
asserted that he was persona grata with the Sultan. 

"Yes," interjected Rothschild, "the Sultan is naturally 
friendly with you, because you are Dr. Herzl of the Neue 
Freie Presse." 

"That's false!" exclaimed Herzl. "The Neue Freie Presse 
has nothing to do with it. The proprietors are deadly enemies 
of my Jewish plan. The wcrd Zionism has never been 
mentioned in the paper, and I have never discussed the 
Neue Freie Presse with the Sultan." 

Rothschild then said that Arnold White (the publicist, 
who had aroused a great deal of agitation about the Jewish 
question) and Major Evans-Gordon, M.P. (a member of the 
Commission) had called Herzl as a "Crown witness," so 
that they could say: "Dr. Herzl is surely the best Jew, and 
he declares that a Jew can never become an Englishman." 

"It would be stupid arrogance on my part," replied Herzl, 
"if I gave this Commission a lecture on the qualities of a 


real Englishman. I shall simply say what terrible misery 
there is in the East, and that the people must either perish 
or get away. The distress in Rumania is known to us since 
1897; the petitions to the Zionist Congress were everywhere 
ignored. In Galicia it is perhaps even worse. There are over 
seven hundred thousand poverty-stricken there. They will 
also begin to move." 

"I wish you would not say that to the Commission," re- 
turned Rothschild, "otherwise there will come a law for 

"I shall certainly say that, quite certainly," exclaimed 
Herzl. "You can rely upon that. I should be a bad fellow if 
I only said what could lead to the restriction of immigration. 
But I should be one of those bad fellows to whom the English 
Jews should erect a statue out of gratitude, because I pre- 
serve them from the influx of Eastern Jews and thereby 
perhaps from anti-Semitism. I have a plan for a remedy 
and shall tell the Commission what it is." 

They broke off for lunch, at which they were joined by 
Lord Rothschild's two brothers, Leopold and Alfred, and 
Lord Rosebery's son. ^ After coffee, Herzl sat down with 
Rothschild at his desk and explained his scheme. He said: "I 
want to get from the British Government a Charter for 

Rothschild: "Don't say Charter. The word sounds bad 

Herzl: "Let us call it what you like. I want to found a 
Jewish colony in British territory." 

Rothschild: "Take Uganda." 

Herzl: "No. I can only use this." As there were others 
still in the room he wrote on a piece of paper: "Sinai Penin- 

6 The present Lord Rosebery, then Lord Dalmeny, whose mother, born 
Hannah Rothschild, was a cousin of the first Lord Rothschild. 


sula, Egyptian Palestine, Cyprus." And he asked: "Are you 
in favor?" 

Rothschild, smiling, replied: "Very much." 

Herzl considered this a victory and added on the piece of 
paper: "Prevent the Sultan from getting money," by which 
he alluded to the Rouvier scheme. 

Rothschild: "I prevented Rumania from getting money. 
But I cannot do this, as the Powers want it. They want to 
have the railways built." 

Herzl: "The Sultan offered me Mesopotamia." 

Rothschild (in astonishment): "And you refused?" 

Herzl: "Yes." 

This concluded the first conversation with Lord Roths- 
child, during which Herzl was given an invitation by his 
brother Leopold to a garden party, which was to take place 
at Gunnersbury a few days later. From New Court he went 
to the Turkish Ambassador, who informed him that he had 
received a telegram from the Sultan, requesting that Herzl 
should come to Constantinople at once. He replied that, 
owing to the Commission, he could not leave for a few days, 
and he preferred to have specific instructions by wire as to 
what was expected from him. 

Herzl's appearance, on July 7, before the Royal Com- 
mission on Alien Immigration,'^ which met at the Caxton 
Hall, Westminster, attracted an unusually large public, in- 
cluding many Zionists, who followed his statements with the 

7 The other members of the Commission were the Hon. Alfred Lyttelton, 
M.P., Major W. Evans-Gordon, M.P., Henry Norman, M.P., Sir Kenelm 
Digby of the Home Office, and Mr. Vallance, for many years Clerk to the 
Whitechapel Board of Guardians. The first session took place on April 24, 



closest interest. He fully realized that what was at stake was 
the freedom of asylum for refugees, for which England had 
been famous for centuries, and although he did not in the 
least wish to provide any argument for restricting that free- 
dom, he felt bound to give a true diagnosis of the causes of 
Jewish migration, but, at the same time, showed how he 
proposed to divert it. In his prepared statement, he attributed 
the immigration of Jews into England to the persecution to 
which they were subjected in Eastern Europe, and he an- 
ticipated that the influx would increase as the result of grow- 
ing pressure. He did not regard the dispersion of immigrants 
in England as a remedy, nor did he consider intermarriage as 
a feasible or desirable solution. Those who learned to ap- 
preciate the Je^vs at their true worth to a sufficient extent to 
desire intermarriage would recognize their value as a sepa- 
rate entity and accord them the right to exist as a separate 
people, with their rightful place among the nations of the 
world. In concluding he said: 

The solution of the Jewish question lies in recognizing the 
Jews as a people and in their finding a legally recognized home, 
to which Jews can naturally migrate from those parts of the 
world in which they are oppressed, for they would come there 
as citizens, just because they are Jews, and not as aliens. ... I 
am firmly convinced that the problem that the Commission is 
called upon to investigate and to advise upon cannot be solved 
in any other way except by adopting the principle, that the 
stream of migration, which must continue from Eastern Europe 
in increasing volume, must be diverted. 

The Jews of Eastern Europe cannot remain where they are 
now. Where are they to go? If they are not wanted here, then a 
place must be found to which they can migrate without creating 
the problem with which you are occupied here. Such a problem 
does not arise if a home is found that is legally recognized as 


Jewish. And I submit that the Commission should not fail to 
take this solution into account and to favor it with its valuable 
judgment. So far as the Jews are concerned, I have no hesitation 
in maintaining that the solution is practical and feasible. Above 
all it is welcome to the unfortunate Jews themselves and would 
receive their most serious cooperation, because their hopeless 
misery is the cause of troubles with which both they and this 
Commission are at present confronted. 

After his statement had been read out, Herzl was subjected 
to a great deal of questioning by the members of the Com- 
mission, particularly with reference to the intolerable con- 
ditions in Eastern Europe and the right of England to 
protect herself against unrestricted immigration. When he 
was asked by Evans-Gordon whether what was considered 
necessary to prevent "an unlimited aggregation of the poorest 
section of your people" was not fully compatible with the 
greatest liberty of the Jews, he replied that he would not 
like to be a "Crown witness" in any matter against the Jews. 
Lord Rothschild's questions related principally to the com- 
patibility of Zionism with political loyalty and the extent of 
anti-Jewish discrimination in Rumania. In resp>onse to the 
Chairman's request for the definition of a Zionist, Herzl 
quoted the terms of the Basle Program, but added that, 
while that was their fixed aim, there could be "moments 
when immediate help or a step forward was indispensable." 
Lord James, in summing up Herzl's evidence, said that he 
had been animated by the wish to do everything that could 
be of service to his people. "As advocate of his race," with- 
out regard to England itself. Dr. Herzl did not wish any 
change in the existing laws or any restriction, but the main- 
tenance of perfect liberty. The Zionist leader then shook 
hands with all the members of the Commission and with- 


In the afternoon, he went to the Rothschild garden party 
at Gunnersbury and was introduced by Lady Battersea to 
Princess Louise, Duchess of Argyll, with whom he conversed 
for some time. He believed that by being seen in that 
fashionable throng he did more for Zionism, perhaps among 
the "upper Jews," than by all his speeches and action until 

Upon reflection, Herzl felt that he had made an unsatis- 
factory impression upon the Chairman of the Commission 
(although he gave no reason for this in his Diary), and went 
to hiin the next day to remedy it by speaking of his plans 
quite frankly. Lord James said that the Sinai-El-Arish-Cyprus 
scheme could be carried out only with the help of Lord 
Rothschild and that no money for the purpose could be 
expected from the British Government. Herzl therefore went 
to New Court again to discuss the matter with Rothschild, 
who said that he would speak to the Colonial Secretary, 
Joseph Chamberlain, about it. In response to Rothschild's 
request for something in writing, Herzl adumbrated a plan, 
which should be initiated by Rothschild forming a board of 
five or six financiers, to float a company with a capital of ten 
million pounds for the exploitation of land concessions to 
be granted by the British Government. The emigration of 
the Jewish settlers would be organized in the localities where 
they lived and would be regulated from time to time ac- 
cording to circumstances. 

Herzl wrote that he submitted this plan to Rothschild 
expressly because the latter was against Palestine and he 
regarded him as "the greatest effective force since the Dis- 
persion," and also because a large Jewish settlement in the 
Eastern Mediterranean would strengthen the Jewish position 
in Palestine; but he could not say whether it would have the 
support of the Zionist Organization until he consulted his 


committee at a special conference. He also submitted an al- 
ternative plan— a settlement in Mesopotamia; but for this 
financial help would have to be given to the Sultan. Within 
a few days, he had a reply from Rothschild saying that there 
was no money for a project on a large scale, but that he 
would study the matter carefully. Herzl did not feel en- 
couraged. The idea occurred to him to get into touch with 
Lord Rosebery, but Lady Battersea's prompt attempt to 
arrange a meetino; was unsuccessful. Meanwhile, he was 
pressed by the Turkish Ambassador to go to Constantinople 
again without delay, in response to the Sultan's urgent tele- 
graphic request for his help to extricate the Ottoman treas- 
ury from its sorry plight. He therefore left London on July 
17 for Austria, for a brief reunion with his family at Alt 
Aussee, where he was bombarded by further telegrams from 
Abdul Hamid, demanding his immediate presence. He wrote 
another long letter to Rothschild, urging him to form a 
company, and then set out on his travels once more. 

Herzl reached Constantinople on July 25, accompanied 
this time by David Wolffsohn. He was given a very cordial 
welcome by Tahsin and Ibrahim, who told him that he 
should consider himself his Majesty's guest and that a Court 
carriage was at his disposal. So impatient were these officials 
to submit Herzl's proposals to their master that they ex- 
pected him to sit down and write them out at once; but 
he pleaded to be allowed to recover from the fatigue of the 
journey and to present his memorandum the next day. The 
plan for the unification of the Ottoman Public Debt that he 
submitted would have cost the Turkish Government one 
million six hundred thousand pounds less than the Rouvier 


scheme, and, in return, he asked for a concession for a Jewish 
colony in Mesopotamia (as offered to him the previous Feb- 
ruary) together with Haifa and its environs. He was intro- 
duced to the aged statesman, Karatheodory Pasha, who had 
been at the Berlin Conference of 1878, and whose services 
were now invoked to translate Herzl's confidential French 
exposition into Turkish. He was also conducted by Ibrahim 
and the Sultan's Chamberlain, Arif, to the Grand Vizier, 
Said Pasha, a little pudgy, withered old man in a dressing- 
gown, in whose presence he nevertheless felt as uneasy as he 
had done in that of the German Chancellor Hohenlohe, at 
Potsdam in 1898. The Grand Vizier wanted to know the 
names of the persons who formed "the Jewish Syndicate," 
but Herzl replied that it would be indiscreet to divulge them, 
as the deal with the Rouvier group was almost concluded. 
He assured Said Pasha that the proposed Jewish colonization 
would be carried out methodically, in accordance with an 
agreed plan, and he asked that no definite arrangement 
should be made until he had a private audience with the 
Sultan, especially as he had not been granted one in Feb- 

After this interview was over, Herzl was required not only 
to write out a report of it for the Sultan, but also to get 
it translated into Turkish by a confidant of his own, as 
Abdul Hamid apparently did not trust his officials. Wellisch 
confessed himself unequal to the task and took Herzl in 
search of a young Sephardi Jew, who was brought back to the 
hotel where he wrote out the translation conscientiously under 
the watchful eye of Wolffsohn. Herzl was summoned a second 
time to the Grand Vizier, who pointed out that his offer 
was only one million six hundred thousand pounds less than 
that of the Rouvier group and that the Powers might object 
to the Jews obtaining Haifa. He had a feeling that he had 


been called to Yildiz Kiosk only in order that better terms 
might be squeezed out of the French group. 

He wrote yet a third letter to the Sultan, in which he pro- 
posed that, if his plan for the unification of the Debt was 
not accepted, he would place the sum of one million six 
hundred thousand pounds (which he had not yet secured) at 
the disposal of the Imperial treasury for the colonization 
project. It was not long before the Sultan's Chamberlain 
brought the letter back, torn open, with a message from his 
Majesty that he had received a report from the Grand Vizier 
and that Herzl should come on the following day to take 
leave. Herzl had no alternative but to conclude, from the 
Chamberlain's angry expression and the return of his letter, 
that his efforts had been in vain, and yet he thought that, 
after the Turkish Government had completed an arrange- 
ment with the Rouvier group, they would come back to 
him for the sum that he had offered. 

Throughout his stay in Constantinople, he had the un- 
comfortable feeling that he was the object of suspicion and 
intrigue, especially on the part of foreign diplomats, who 
gave him unfriendly looks. He was unutterably bored by the 
long intervals between interviews and writing letters and 
awaiting replies, while his stomach revolted at the number- 
less "barbarous dishes" that he had to swallow, in Oriental 
fashion, with exclamations of delight. And all the time, he 
had to put his hand into his pocket repeatedly and slip gold 
coins into the palms of the horde of lackeys and door- 
keepers lounging about at Yildiz Kiosk. The higher officials, 
Ibrahim, and Arif, had, of course, also to be given presents 
—the first a pearl tie pin, and the other beautiful shirt-studs. 

When the time for departure was approaching, without 
Herzl beino; allowed to see the Sultan, Ibrahim said to him: 
"The Sultan has much esteem and sympathy for you per- 


sonally. He is an absolute ruler but cannot by any means do 
what he wishes. What you want to do for your people is 
very noble. Zionism is very noble." He asked Herzl what his 
traveling expenses came to, but Herzl declined to accept 
anything beyond the amount of his hotel bill, as he con- 
sidered it an honor to be his Majesty's guest. Tahsin later 
repeated the same question and received the same reply. He 
then said that the Sultan wanted Herzl to accept a subven- 
tion for the Neue Freie Presse, and was told that this was 
quite out of the question. On the last day, August 3, Ibrahim 
gave Herzl a little red silk bag of gold for his "bare ex- 
penses." Herzl accepted it "pour mes pauvres" and decided 
not to open it until he reached Vienna, where he would 
hand it over to the Zionist treasury. They exchanged the last 
Selamaleks,^ and Herzl left what he called "the den of Ali 
Baba and the forty thieves." 

On rejoining his family at Alt Aussee, Herzl found await- 
ing him an unfavorable reply to the last letter he had sent to 
Lord Rothschild. He therefore wrote to him again (on Au- 
gust 2), pleading for his cooperation: 

Ah, if you only had an idea of the immeasurable distress of 
our good but poor people, you would give me a better hear- 
ing. . . . The heartrending letters from workmen's groups, busi- 
ness people, educated men, that I receive, are not to be counted. 
With a sigh I must answer: I cannot help you. This sort of 
people does not want gifts of money— otherwise they would not 
turn to me— but opportunity for work and an existence secure 
from persecution. This is what the philanthropic organizations 
cannot offer them anywhere.^ 

Rothschild's reply, although in friendly terms, was again 
disappointing, so Herzl sent a rejoinder to rebut his objec- 

8 "Peace unto you!" 

9 Tagebiicher, vol. Ill, p. 280. 


tion. The Jewish community or colony that he intended 
establishing, he wrote, would not be "small, orthodox, and 
illiberal," nor would the Powers regard it with ill will or 
distrust. He had worked for three years on a comprehensive 
reply to all these and other objections in a book entitled 
Altneuland, which would appear in a few weeks, and his 
Lordship would be among the first to receive a copy. 

The book, which was published at the beginning of Octo- 
ber, 1902, was an attempt, in the form of a novel, to depict 
the life and conditions of the Jewish community in Palestine 
in the year 1923. Herzl was inspired to write it by the pro- 
found impression made upon him by his visit to the country 
in 1898, by his conviction that the revival of the Jews as a 
nation in their ancestral land was a practical possibility, and 
by his desire to portray this revival in graphic detail. Al- 
though in structure presenting the features of a Utopia, it 
differed from all previous Utopias in being the literary fan- 
tasy of a man who was himself actively engaged, as the 
leader of a worldwide movement, in trying to convert it into 
a reality; and although a romance in conception, it possessed 
many elements of actuality in dealing with places that were 
universally known and in including several characters plainly 
modeled upon friends and fellow workers of the author. 

The story opens in Vienna, where "an educated and de- 
spairing young man," Friedrich Loewenberg, a lawyer, ac- 
cepts the offer of an American millionaire, Mr. Kingscourt 
(formerly a German military officer, Konigshof), to leave 
Western civilization and accompany him on his yacht to one 
of the South Sea islands in Cook's Archipelago. Loewenberg 
takes this step after having lost two intimate friends, Hein- 


rich and Oswald (the names of Herzl's own two friends, of 
whom the first had committed suicide and the other had died 
of fever in Brazil); but before quitting Vienna, he gives five 
thousand gulden, received from the millionaire, to a des- 
perately poor Jewish family named Litvak, who dream of 
settling in the Holy Land. On their outward voyage, Kings- 
court and Loewenberg make a brief stay in Palestine, where 
they are struck by the general decay and decline: the country 
is in sore need of irrigation and forestation, but there are 
pleasant oases, like Rishon le-Zion and Rehoboth, while the 
sight of the Holy City, majestic in the moonlight, arouses 
in Loewenberg memories of his childhood, when, at the 
Passover evening service, he joined in the traditional aspira- 
tion: "Next year in Jerusalem!" 

After the lapse of twenty years, the travelers return to 
civilization and decide to revisit Palestine. They find a com- 
plete transformation. On reaching Haifa, they see many 
large ships in the harbor at the foot of Mount Carmel, whose 
slopes are covered with gleaming white villas. Presently, 
they meet David Litvak (modeled on David Wolffsohn, a 
native of Lithuania), whose family Loewenberg had be- 
friended in the past and who now, having become a wealthy 
shipowner, is happy to act as their host and guide. They 
are impressed by the numerous signs of progress they see 
on every side, the products of up-to-date technology: well- 
constructed roads and railways, motorcars and omnibuses, 
and the extensive use of electric power, obtained by har- 
nessing the waters of the Jordan for lighting, transport, and 
machinery. There is a canal from the Mediterranean to the 
Dead Sea, whose vast mineral deposits are usefully exploited. 
Jericho, with fine hotels in tropical palm avenues, is a popu- 
lar holiday resort, and Tiberias, because of its warm springs 
and delightful situation, is an attractive spa. All sorts of 


industries flourish in the towns, as does agriculture in the 
country, with a variety of vines and vegetation, tobacco 
plants, and eucalyptus trees. The Vale of Jezreel, in par- 
ticular, presents a delightful picture. The cooperative system 
and the principle of "mutualism" are the basis of all eco- 
nomic activities, urban and rural, and there is employment 
for all, with a seven-hour day. Buildings in various styles have 
been erected under the expert advice of Steinek (Marmorek). 
Education is free for all grades, from kindergarten to the 
University of Zion; health is promoted by the encouragement 
of sport; the sick are cared for in efficient hospitals; and 
convalescents are sent to holiday colonies. Scientists are at 
work at a chemical research station and a bacteriological 

The Jewish community, which is called "The New So- 
ciety" ("The Jewish Society" of The Jewish State), was 
founded on the basis of a Charter granted by the Turkish 
Government in return for the sum of two million pounds, 
plus an annual payment of fifty thousand pounds for thirty 
years and a quarter of the revenue of the Society. The eco- 
nomic development was organized under the energetic direc- 
tion of an English Jew, Joe Levy (Joseph Cowen), who was 
given a credit of one million pounds for initial expenditure 
and who had a central office in London, with heads of 
departments for transport, building, the purchase of ma- 
chinery, land development, provisioning, and other matters. 
The members of the community were organized for emigra- 
tion from Russia, Rumania, Algeria, and other countries, 
in suitable groups, and the immigration rose from five 
hundred to one thousand per day, until it amounted to a 
total of a half million a year. They could all become citizens 
after two years' domicile; they had all to devote two years 
to the public service; and ^vomen enjoyed equal rights with 


men as regards voting in elections and standing as candidates. 
The Society governed itself and elected its own President, 
who was the venerable Professor Eichenstamm (Mandel- 
stamm); there was no plurality of parties; the political as- 
sembly sat for only a few weeks in the year; and there were 
friendly relations between Jews and Arabs, for racial toler- 
ance was a dominant principle. All sorts of cultural interests 
were furthered, and there were theatres with plays and 
operas in different languages. The old part of Jerusalem was 
cleaned up and a residential section was erected in the 
suburbs. The city contained the counterpart of a Temple, 
a magnificent synagogue, which attracted hosts of devout 
worshippers on the approach of Sabbath, which was marked 
by the sudden cessation of all traffic and the closing of shops 
and offices. There were also two other important institutions 
in Jerusalem— the Palace of Peace, devoted to causes of 
humanity (providing relief for the victims of floods, famine, 
and epidemics), and a Jewish Academy (like the Academic 
Frangaise) of forty members— scholars, philosophers, and art- 
ists—who received a salary sufficient for their livelihood and 
to enable them to devote themselves to their ideals. 

Such is the very barest outline of Altneuland, which is by 
no means lacking in human interest, for, apart from the 
detailed forecast of social, economic, and cultural develop- 
ments, there is a mutual attraction between Loewenberg and 
David Litvak's sister, Miriam (modeled on Herzl's sister), 
and David's aged mother dies after hearing the happy news 
of her son's election as President. Moreover, this election 
affords a glimpse of political currents and competing per- 
sonalities. But the main purpose of the book, upon which 
Herzl lavished both labor and love, was to show that the 
re-establishment of the Jews as a nation in their ancient 
homeland was an idea whose realization could be envisao^ed. 


The book naturally aroused the greatest interest and was 
widely reviewed. Herzl regarded it as his best work, on a 
level with his Palais Bourbon}^ For the most part, it met 
with approval, if not with enthusiasm, since the romance was 
subordinate to a thesis; but from one writer it received the 
most scathing and scarifying criticism: Ahad Ha-am de- 
livered a ruthless attack upon it, primarily because it failed 
to portray a background of Jewish cultural life, with Hebrew 
as the national tongue. But in defense of Herzl, it must 
be pointed out that at the beginning of the twentieth century 
the speaking of Hebrew was by no means widespread, even 
in Palestine, where the medium of instruction in schools 
was English, French, or German, according to the nationality 
of the organization that supported them. Ahad Ha-am was 
attacked in turn by Max Nordau in a somewhat intemperate 
article, which provoked an indignant rejoinder from some 
of the followers of Ahad Ha-am, including: Chaim Weizmann 
and Martin Buber. But this controversy did not prevent 
Altneuland from achieving a measure of popularity and be- 
ing translated into several languages,^^ while the motto on 
its title page: "If you wish it, this is no fairy tale," became 
an oft-quoted maxim in the Zionist world for many years. 

10 Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, p. 66. 

11 It was translated into Hebrew by Nahum Sokolow, under the title of 
Tel-Aviv (Ezekiel 3:15), which later became famous as the name of the larges; 
city in the State of Israel. 


Sinai Peninsula Plan 


burn his bridges behind him. He was given a written state- 
ment in the name of the Sukan, that Jews could settle in 
the Ottoman Empire in scattered groups, and that Ottoman 
citizenship would be conferred upon them on condition that 
they discharged all civic duties, including military service. 
This offer was, of course, quite unacceptable to him, but 
it left the door open in the event he wished to resume nego- 
tiations in the future. From the conversations that he had 
had with the Sultan's advisers, he knew that they looked 
upon him as a "client" for the Vilayet of Beirut. The only 
question was: when would the time come to discuss it? He 
thought that it could be accelerated if he could form a Jew- 
ish Eastern Company with the help of Lord Rothschild or 
the British Government, for he would then become a 
friendly neighbor of the Sandjak of Jerusalem, which he 
would seek to acquire somehow at a suitable opportunity. 
He made no secret of the fact that his last visit to Constan- 
tinople had been a failure, but frankly admitted it in Die 
Welt and stated that his main reason for this confession- 
inconsistent though it appeared— was that he enjoyed the 
confidence of the Sultan in a rare degree. 

Such was his state of mind at the time he received a 
telegram (on September 22) from Leopold Greenberg, in- 
forming him that the Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamber- 
lain, was willing to grant him an interview. Greenberg's 



success in thus enabling the Zionist leader to begin formal 
discussions with a member of the British Cabinet was 
probably due, at least to some extent, to an old ac- 
quaintanceship with Chamberlain, dating back to the 
days when they both lived in Birmingham and often 
engaged in political argument. Herzl was unable to go 
to London immediately, as Benedikt wanted his help 
to fight the newly established daily, Die Zeit: for one par- 
ticular number of the Neue Freie Presse, he was asked to 
write the leading article besides providing a feuilleton. Not 
until October 19 did he decide to slip away without in- 
forming his chiefs verbally; but in a letter to Benedikt, which 
he posted, together with a feuilleton, just before his de- 
parture, he hinted at the possibility of sending him an in- 
terview with Chamberlain, then at the zenith of his fame. 
As he still had a day free on reaching London before his 
appointment, he wrote another feuilleton, despite the whirl 
o;oino: on in his brain, on "An October Evenins; in London," 
and considered it "an extraordinary achievement." 

Herzl had his first talk with Chamberlain, which lasted an 
hour, at the Colonial Office on October 22. He began by 
describing his protracted and fiuile efforts in Constantinople, 
emphasized the need of finding land immediately for a 
Jewish settleinent, and said that he would like to have 
Cyprus,^ El Arish, and the Sinai Peninsula. Chamberlain, 
who showed himself sympathetic, replied that he could talk 
only about Cyprus: the other places belonged to the domain 
of the Foreign Office, In Cyprus, there were Greeks and 
Moslems, whom he could not push aside for the benefit of 

1 Herzl thought of Cyprus from time to time, from 1896, as a possible 
region for a Jewish settlement. In 1899, when propaganda was being con- 
ducted in Rumania by Davis Trietsch, a German Zionist, for a colony in 
Cyprus, Herzl thought it "very sensible," but was deterred from expressing 
his views out of egard for the Hovevei Zion (Tagebucher, vol. II, p. 364). 


new settlers, as there would at once be a storm; but the 
Zionist idea appealed to him and he was prepared to help. 

Herzl suggested that, if he formed a Jewish Eastern Com- 
pany with a capital of five million pounds, for a settlement 
in the Sinai Peninsula and El Arish,^ the Cypriots would like 
the rain of gold to fall upon their island, too. The Moslems 
would leave, and the Greeks would gladly sell their lands 
for good prices and go to Athens or Crete. Chamberlain 
said that the Government would have to consult Lord 
Cromer about El Arish and the Sinai Peninsula, and Herzl 
must speak to the Foreign Office. He took an atlas, to study 
a map of Egypt, and said: "In Egypt we would have the 
same difficulty with the natives." 

"No," said Herzl, "we will not go to Egypt. We have been 

Chamberlain laughed, fully understanding that Herzl's 
purpose was to obtain a gathering center for the Jewish 
people in the proximity of Palestine. The Zionist leader 
pointed out that there was waste land in the Sinai Peninsula, 
which England could give to the Jews and thus gain an 
increase in power and the gratitude of ten million Jews. He 
asked Chamberlain: "Would you be satisfied if we founded 
a Jewish colony in the Sinai Peninsula?" 

"Yes," was the reply, "if Lord Cromer favors it." 

Herzl considered that it was a colossal achievement that 
Chamberlain had not turned down at the outset the idea of 
a self-governing Jewish colony in the southeastern corner of 
the Mediterranean. He had another talk with him at the 
Colonial Office the following morning, when Chamberlain 
told him that he had arranged an interview for him with the 
Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in the afternoon. He 
then went to New Court and informed Lord Rothschild of 

2 El Arish is the northern part of the Sinai Peninsula. 


his friendly reception by Chamberlain, whereupon the finan- 
cial magnate said that he would call upon the Colonial 
Secretary in the following week. Rothschild observed that 
he preferred Cyprus to El Arish, but Herzl replied that he 
must begin with the latter. Rothschild added that he had 
recently written to somebody in Paris about the question of 
the Rumanian and Galician Jews and had accused the 
wealthy Jews in Austria of indolence, "because they don't 
listen to Dr. Herzl, who may be an enthusiast, but who is a 
ojeat man." 

"What?" exclaimed Herzl. "You really embarrass me." 
"No, it is my opinion. You are a great man." 
"If we get the concession," continued the Zionist leader, 
"you must form the five-million-pound company for me. 
Without you it will be difficult, even if possible at all." 

When Herzl called later at the Foreign Office, he was 
given a sympathetic hearing by Lord Lansdowne, who asked 
for an exposition and promised to write to Lord Cromer; 
and on hearing that Herzl would send Greenberg to Cairo to 
negotiate, the Foreign Secretary agreed to give him an in- 
troduction to Cromer. In his exposition, Herzl stated that 
the solution of the Jewish question in Eastern Europe could 
be effected in a manner that would confer honor and ad- 
vantage upon England, and that an offer of territory by 
her Government for the oppressed Jews who were gravitating 
to her shores would follow logically upon the Royal Com- 
mission on Alien Immigration. In the southeastern corner of 
the Mediterranean, the coastal stretch of El Arish and the 
Sinai Peninsula, Britain had a possession that was at present 
valueless and almost uninhabited, which could be made a 
place of refuge for the downtrodden Jews of all the world, 
if only she permitted the establishment of a Jewish colony 
there. On the basis of such a concession, there would be 


formed a Jewish Eastern Company, which would organize the 
settlement by means of technicians and agronomists, build 
roads, railways, and harbors, and parcel out the land for the 
immigrants. The latter would be powerfully attracted by 
the colonial rights that they would enjoy, and the settlers 
would consist not only of the poor from Eastern Europe 
in search of employment but also of people with capital. 
In a few years, England would be greater by a rich colony, 
and Jews throughout the world would bear England in their 
hearts if she became the protecting power of the Jewish 


On October 24, Herzl returned to Vienna and was soon 
immersed in the discussions of the ] ahreskonferenz (Con- 
ference of the Actions Committee), which left him quite 
exhausted, A fortnight later, he wrote in his Diary that he 
felt broken down and worn out, suffering from palpitations 
of the heart. For a whole week, he was unable to write a 
line and had to report sick to the Neue Freie Presse. He 
therefore went to Edlach, where he soon recovered. 

Meanwhile, Greenberg had been to Egypt and back. The 
message that Herzl had received from him from Cairo Avas 
so optimistic— "Everything all right"— that he indulged in 
the thought that he was on the eve of the conclusion of an 
English Charter and of the founding of the Jewish State.^ 
His hopes were reinforced when Greenberg joined him at 
Edlach and reported that he had succeeded in gaining the 
sympathy of Cromer, as well as that of the Egyptian Prime 
Minister, Boutros Ghali Pasha, and of the more important 
British high officials; and so favorably impressed was he that 
he regarded Greenberg as "truly my right hand." He dis- 

3 Tagebilcher, vol. Ill, p. 309. 


patched a letter on the result of this preliminary mission to 
Lansdowne and gave Greenberg a copy to hand to Chamber- 
lain. As he did not wish the Sultan to think that he had 
broken off relations with him in case he obtained an Egyptian 
Charter, he wrote him a letter to the effect that he had heard 
that the Turkish Government was interested in deriving a 
revenue from matches, and suggested that the Government 
should act as the sole wholesale purchaser of matches and 
sell them at a profit. At the same time he sent him a copy 
of his Altneuland and assured him that he remained "sin- 
cerely grateful and devoted to the magnanimous Sultan, who 
is the friend of my people." 

Herzl at first intended going to Cairo himself, but on hear- 
ing from Greenberg that he had spoken to Lansdowne and 
Chamberlain, and that the latter was going to Africa and 
had promised to ask Cromer to expedite matters, he accepted 
Greenberg's advice to wait until Lansdowne invited him to 
London. At this juncture, he received encouraging news 
from Dr. Katzenelsohn, of Libau, that there was a possibility 
of his being granted an audience by the Tsar, whom he 
was anxious to see in order to dispel any Russian objections 
to a Jewish settlement in Palestine. He therefore sent a copy 
of his political romance to the Austrian Premier, Koerber, 
as he might need the good offices of the Austrian Ambassador 
in St. Petersburg. 

At last, over a month after he had written to Lansdowne, 
Herzl (on December 21) received a reply, signed by his 
secretary. Sir Thomas H. Sanderson, which he characterized 
as "a historic document." It stated that Lord Cromer re- 
ported that the project on the Sinai Peninsula would be 
feasible, if the proposed Commission of Enquiry found that 
the actual conditions were suitable, and that the Egyptian 
Government would demand only the acceptance of Ottoman 


citizenship by the settlers and the payment of an annual 
contribution for the maintenance of order within and with- 
out. Herzl promptly replied to both Lansdowne and Sander- 
son, thanking^ them for the letter, and informing- them that 
he intended coming to London early in the new year, as 
there were some points that required personal explanation. 
After emptying his drawer of feuilletons in the editorial office, 
on the last day of 1902, before setting out on his journey, 
he was overcome by a serious fainting fit, ^vhich lasted for 
some time. He was also seized by a feeling of apprehension 
about absenting himself again from the Neue Freie Presse 
without the permission of his chiefs, as he had been away 
so often and so long-. But in view of the international situa- 
tion and the imminent annexation of Tripoli by Italy, he 
considered it imperative to speak to Lansdowne and Roths- 
child. In his Diary he wrote: 

I find it more and more difficult to set out on a journey, 
doubtless because I am getting older, more timorous, and more 
concerned about my livelihood. This time my good, wise mother 
has also made me anxious: I should not take any risks with my 

In the first week of January, 1903, Herzl was in Paris, 
Avhere he conferred with Nordau, Alexander Marmorek, and 
Greenberg on the drafting of a reply to Lansdowne, and 
when this was ready, it was taken by Greenberg to London. 
Herzl also wrote a letter to Lord Rothschild, asking for 
an interview, and, on aiTiving in London, was pleasantly 
surprised to receive a reply that Rothschild would come to see 
him at his hotel. "Two years ago," commented Herzl, "he 
would not even meet me at Lady Battersea's." He showed 

4 Tagebiicher, vol. Ill, p. 323. 


the magnate his correspondence with the British Govern- 
ment, and told him that he would like him to get three 
million pounds from the Jewish Colonization Association 
for the Jewish Eastern Company, and that the remaining 
two million pounds would be raised by public subscription. 
Rothschild informed him that there were serious conflicts 
between the English members of the Council of the I.C.A. 
and their colleagues on the Continent, owing to the enor- 
mous sums that had been spent, and that both sides had 
turned to him for advice, whereupon Herzl begged him to 
utilize the situation for the benefit of his project. After his 
visitor had gone, he sat down to write a feuilleton on "An 
Evening in Paris" for the Neue Freie Presse. 

On January 16, Herzl was at New Court, where he con- 
tinued the discussion about the formation and financing of 
the company. When he inquired whether he should include 
the millionaire Sir Ernest Cassel, Rothschild replied: "If he 
is willing, why not? But he always wants to be at the head." 

Herzl: "No, you shall be at the head of the financial side." 

Rothschild: "No, no; you stand at the head, Dr. Herzl. I 
only want to be your co-worker. I am glad if I can help you." 

"Put not your trust in princes (not even of finance)," was 
the Zionist leader's unspoken but written comment. 

Later in the day, accompanied by Greenberg, he went to 
the Foreign Office to see Sir Thomas Sanderson, the Per- 
manent Under-Secretary, who told him that the utmost he 
might expect was a Charter from the Egyptian Government. 
Herzl described the proposed itinerary and personnel of the 
Expedition, and, on mentioning that he needed an irrigation 
expert. Sir Thomas recommended Sir Benjamin Baker, the 
famous builder of the Firth of Forth Bridge and of the Assuan 
Dam. He therefore went to see Baker, who recommended an 
irrigation engineer named G. H. Stephens. 



Herzl appointed Leopold Kessler (1864-1944), who had 
spent many years as a consulting mining engineer in South 
Africa, where he had been one of the pioneers of Zionism, 
as the leader of the Expedition to the Sinai Peninsula. The 
other members of the Expedition were Colonel Albert Gold- 
smid, who was to be the liaison with the British authorities 
and quartermaster; Oskar Marmorek, architect and general 
secretary; Alex Laurent, expert on agricultural settlement; 
Jennings Bramly, surveyor (formerly employed in the Su- 
dan); Stephens, irrigation expert; and Dr. Joffe, of Jaffa, to 
act as doctor and report on climatic hygienic conditions. 
Kessler, of whom Herzl thought highly as a geologist with 
the knowledge and calm requisite for such an enterprise, 
was to preside at meetings of the Expedition and have a 
casting vote. Each member was to keep a diary, extracts from 
which, besides daily minutes, were to be dispatched to Herzl 
as often as possible. The task of the Expedition was to in- 
vestigate the suitability of the land between the Suez Canal 
and the Turkish frontier on the Mediterranean for rural and 
urban settlement; and all its members had to sim an under- 
taking that they would not publish or report anything about 
their activities without the previous consent of the President 
of the Zionist Organization. 

In order to obtain the financial cooperation of the Jewish 
Colonization Association, Lord Rothschild invited Herbert 
Lousada, a member of its Council, to New Court, and, in the 
presence of Herzl, impressed upon him the importance of 
agreeing to the Sinai Peninsula project, as both the Foreign 
Secretary and the Colonial Secretary were in favor of it and 
as it enjoyed the patronage of the British and Egyptian 
Governments. He told him that Herzl required five million 
pounds, of which the LC.A. should provide three million, 
while the balance would be raised by public subscription. 


Herzl asked Lousada to inform his English fellow directors, 
Claude Montefiore and Alfred Cohen, and Lousada promised 
that as soon as the Egyptian Government's concession and 
the Expedition's report were received, he would convene a 
meeting of his Coimcil. 

On January 21, Herzl had a further conference with the 
members of the Expedition, to discuss various details, with 
the aid of General Staff and Admiralty maps, which Colonel 
Goldsmid, thanks to his official position, had been able to 
obtain. After they had gone, he sat down to write a feuilleton 
for the Neue Freie Presse, which occupied him until mid- 
night. He sent it off with a covering letter to Benedikt (whom 
he nicknamed "Maledikt"), in which he wrote that it was 
possible that in a few months' time he would ask for leave 
to retire, but that until then he would be at the disposal 
of the editor when he was in Vienna, and would send him a 
feuilleton every week when he was abroad. During his ab- 
sence froin Vienna, a violent attack upon Chamberlain had 
appeared in his paper. He therefore wrote to Chamberlain 
immediately to express his regret and annoyance, and he felt 
so strongly about it that he offered to sever his connection 
with the Neue Freie Presse as a demonstration of his loyalty, 
although his leaving would mean the withdrawal of "a strong 
pro-English element from the personnel of the journal." His 
offer was not accepted. He also wrote a letter to Lansdowne 
to inform him that the Expedition, after reaching Egypt, 
would set out from Ismailia about February 4, and that he 
had instructed Greenberg to return to Cairo in order to 
obtain a Charter from the Egyptian Government for the 
projected settlement. He furnished Greenberg with a formal 
letter of authorization, investing him with "the fullest 
powers" to act on his behalf "as well as on behalf of the 
Executive Committee of the Zionist movement." 


Herzl was back again in Vienna toward the end of Janu- 
ary, and on February 5, he received a wire from Greenberg, 
from Cairo, reporting that he and the Expedition had ar- 
rived there and had already been received by Lord Cromer. 
So confident was he of the successful outcome of the enter- 
prise that he wrote to Lord Rothschild, asking him to be in 
Paris at the time of the meeting of the Jewish Colonization 
Association after the receipt of the Expedition's report and 
the concession, as he was sure that the authority of his Lord- 
ship would exercise a decisive influence. He added that he 
would be there himself and would like to meet the brothers, 
Baron Edmond and Baron Alphonse de Rothschild, in the 
presence of Lord Rothschild, as, in case any objection to the 
project were raised by the French Government, they could 
dispel it. Moreover, in view of any possible obstruction on 
the part of the Russian Government, he hoped to go and see 
the Tsar himself. He concluded: 

The time of our life is short, and we must make haste if we 
wish to create something good as long as we are on the earth. 

Although entertaining such high hopes in regard to the 
Sinai Peninsula, Herzl nevertheless resumed his efforts to 
secure from the Turkish Government a concession in Pales- 
tine. He wrote a letter to the Grand Vizier on February 16, 
informing him that he was negotiating with another Govern- 
ment for a concession for a colony in a country in Africa 
without having to provide any financial guarantee, yet offer- 
ing him an annual payment of one hundred thousand 
pounds, which would enable him to obtain immediately 
a loan of two million Turkish pounds (the amortiza- 
tion of which was covered by those payments). He 


also wrote a letter on the same day to the Sultan, 
in which he made the same offer, specifying a part 
of Galilee as the territory for the colony, under the Sultan's 
sovereignty, for which the loan would be provided, and 
addressed similar letters to Ibrahim, Tahsin, and Izzet. But 
on the very day that he dispatched these letters to Con- 
stantinople, he received a wire from Greenberg that the 
Turkish Commissioner in Cairo was doing all he could to 
frustrate his negotiations. He therefore wired back to Green- 
berg to promise the Commissioner two thousand pounds 
after the Charter had been signed by the Egyptian Govern- 
ment. This idea had been suggested to him by a Young 
Turk, who was physician to the Turkish Embassy in Vienna, 
and who called on Herzl to thank him for a favorable re- 
view of his book of poems in the Neue Freie Presse. Herzl 
utilized his services for the translation into Turkish of the 
letter to the Sultan, and as he could not expect any help from 
a Turkish official without payment, he offered him a subsidy, 
which the poet modestly fixed at one thousand francs. 

The next day, Herzl received a disquieting telegram from 
Greenberg that it was impossible to get a Charter from the 
Khedive and he had proposed "an alternative," in accordance 
with Cromer's instructions, which was now being considered. 
Herzl wired back: "Do not understand what you mean al- 
ternative," and asked for a "full explanation." Then followed 
a daily exchange of cablegrams, which caused Herzl increas- 
ing alarm and annoyance. Instead of explaining, Greenberg 
wired that he was returning direct to London, as it was 
urgent that he should call on Sanderson, and he asked Herzl 
to meet him in Paris. The leader felt affronted at this 
request from his lieutenant, and replied that he was not 
going to Paris and was anxiously awaiting a full report. Be- 
fore leaving Cairo, on February 22, Greenberg cabled that 


the "document" had received the signature of the Egyptian 
Government and was "in order" and "very satisfactory," and, 
on reaching Brindisi four days later, he wired that the "docu- 
ment" agreed to concede to the Jewish Eastern Company a 
territory which would be constituted as a municipality, the 
latter beinsr an alternative to a Charter. 

Not until March 2 did Herzl receive Greenberg's report 
and the "document" from London. He characterized the 
report as "the masterpiece of a not quite loyal agent," and 
he found that the "document" was a noncommittal letter of 
the Egyptian Prime Minister Boutros to Greenberg for a 
Jewish National Settlement Company. The letter made no 
mention of Herzl or of the Jewish Colonial Trust, contained 
hypothetical promises and very definite restrictions, and ex- 
pressly refused a Charter. Moreover, in Greenberg's draft 
Charter, of which a typed copy had been enclosed (apparently 
inadvertently), the name of the concessionaire was omitted, 
while his report showed that he had not acted in Cairo as 
Herzl's authorized representative but as "chief and in his 
own right." Herzl thereupon wrote to Greenberg, expressing 
dissatisfaction with the report and the "document," and also 
with his not having traveled through Vienna to render a 
personal report, which he could easily have done without 
being too late for an appointment in London. 

A week later Herzl wrote to Kessler, authorizing him and 
Goldsmid to continue the negotiations with the Egyptian 
Government, with a view to achieving something between 
Boutros's letter and Greenberg's draft Charter, which had 
been approved by Cromer. When Greenberg arrived in 
Vienna on March 16, he had an unpleasant interview with 
Herzl. He objected to the transfer of authority to Kessler 
and Goldsmid, yet declined to return to Cairo at once and 
wanted to await the return of the Expedition. Herzl there- 


fore decided to go to Cairo himself, difficult though further 
absence from his paper must be, and the Zionist Executive 
approved of his decision. Before leaving Vienna, he wrote to 
Lord Rothschild that the reports from the Expedition 
showed that the contemplated territory was suitable for a 
large settlement and that there were preliminary assurances 
from the Egyptian Government in favor of the project; and 
he asked Rothschild to request the President of the Jewish 
Colonization Association, Narcisse Leven, to convene a meet- 
ing of its Council for April 12, when he would make an 
important statement to them. 

Herzl arrived in Cairo on March 23, and two days later 
he had an interview with Lord Cromer, which left him dis- 
appointed. He said that he would need water from the Nile 
for the settlement, but Cromer replied that he could not say 
anything definite until the return of his expert. Sir William 
Garstin, which would be in a month. Herzl showed him 
a letter and telegram from Lord Rothschild, but he was 
not impressed. Referring to Boutros's letter to Greenberg, 
Cromer said: "We can't go beyond this: within these limits 
the Turkish Government cannot object." He also wanted to 
await the return of the Expedition and to see Stephens. Herzl 
felt that he did not appeal to Cromer, and that it was a 
mistake that he had not spoken in French, as he would then 
have been in a position of superiority. Two days later, the 
members of the Expedition were back in Cairo and delivered 
their reports. It was summed up in the sentence: "In present 
circumstances unsuitable for settlement; but if water is pro- 
vided suitable for settlement." That was the crux of the 
whole problem. Herzl sent a copy of the report to Cromer, 


who afterward invited him, Goldsmid, and Stephens to a 
conference, during which Stephens pointed out that the 
volume of water necessary could easily be provided. Cromer 
told Herzl that he must now apply to the Egyptian Govern- 
ment for a concession, and the Zionist leader therefore spent 
the next few days, in collaboration with a local lawyer. 
Carton de Wiart, in drafting the text of the concession, which 
was approved by the Government's legal adviser, Malcolm 
Mcllwraithe. Before leaving Egypt, on April 4, Herzl wrote 
to Cromer that Goldsmid was remaining in Cairo with power 
to act as his representative. 

After a few days in Vienna, Herzl was on his travels again. 
On April 16, he was in Paris, where he had a conference 
with his friends, Nordau, Wolffsohn, Greenberg, and Cowen. 
He also had a talk, in the palatial home of Baron Alphonse 
de Rothschild, with Lord Rothschild, who asked him to draw 
up a memorandum for the Jewish Colonization Association. 
A week later, he was in London, where he had another talk 
with Rothschild, who told him that he had written to Jacob 
H. Schiff, the New^ York banker and philanthropist, to help 
in the scheme, and that Baron Edmond was delighted with 
it. Far more important, however, than these talks was the 
interview that he had, on April 24, with Joseph Chamber- 
lain at the Colonial Office. 

Chamberlain, who welcomed Herzl like an old acquaint- 
ance, told him that, when he was in Egypt, he spoke to 
Cromer about the Zionist project, and that he had read the 
report of the Expedition, which he considered unfavorable. 
He then continued: 

"During my journey I saw a land for you— Uganda. It's 
liot on the coast, but toward the interior the climate is ex- 
cellent for Europeans, too. You can plant sugar and cotton 
there. So I thought to myself— that would be a land for Dr. 


Herzl. But he wants to go only to Palestine or its vicinity." 
"Yes, I must," replied Herzl. "We must have the basis in 
or near Palestine. Later we can also settle in Uganda, for we 
have masses of men who are ready to emigrate. But we must 
build on a national basis; that is why we must have the politi- 
cal attraction of El Arish. This, however, is not understood 
in Egypt. In any case I couldn't express myself there as 
clearly as here." 

They then discussed the financial aspect of the project, 
the necessity of having Lord Rothschild's support, and the 
possibility of a bill to restrict Jewish immigration, which 
Herzl strongly deprecated. Chamberlain concluded the inter- 
view by promising to speak to Lansdowne in an effort to 
exercise pressure upon Cromer to accelerate the matter. In 
the afternoon, Herzl had a talk himself with Lansdowne, to 
whom he gave a copy of the Expedition's report, but his 
visit was only an act of courtesy. 

A couple of days later, he was back again in Paris, where 
he saw five members of the Council of the Jewish Coloni- 
zation Association, who asTreed to contribute not three million 
pounds, as he had hoped, but one million pounds, toward the 
cost of realizing the Sinai Peninsula project if a concession 
were granted. On May 1, he was home again, and he at once 
cabled to Goldsmid for the latest news. The replies that he 
received were shattering. First came a cablegram, stating that 
Sir William Garstin was opposed to the project because of 
the quantity of water from the Nile that would be required, 
and on the next day, another cablegram with the more 
crushing news that Cromer recommended the abandonment 
of the plan. In despair, Herzl wired to Stephens for advice. 
Stephens suggested that the area in the Pelusium Plain should 
be reduced by a third, thus reducing the amount of water 
required by a similar proportion. But the proposal was in 


vain. A few days later, another cablegram came from Gold- 
smid, stating that Cromer had informed him that the Egyp- 
tian Government refused the concession. Finally, a letter 
came from Goldsmid, explaining that Sir William Garstin 
declared that five times as much water would be needed as 
Stephens had estimated, and that the laying down of the 
pipes would interfere with the traffic in the Suez Canal for 
several weeks. In short, the Sinai Peninsula project was dead 
and all the hopes built upon it were in ruins.^ 

"I considered the Sinai matter so completely settled," wrote 
Herzl in his Diary ^ on May 16, "that I no longer wished to 
buy a family vault in the Doblinger Cemetery, where my 
father rests provisionally. Now I consider the matter such a 
failure that I have been to the District Office and acquired 
vault No. 28." 

It was with a heavy heart that he wrote to Lord Roths- 
child, to inform him of the blow he had suffered. He also 
sent a similar letter to the Chief Rabbi of France, Zadok 
Kahn, and asked him to inform the Council of the Jewish 
Colonization Association. 

5 It was believed that the Egyptian Government was also influenced by 
the failure ot a previous scheme for a Jewish settlement, in the region of 
ancient Midian, undertaken in 1891-1892 by a converted Jew, Paul Fried- 

6 Tagebilcher, vol. Ill, p. 429. 


Mission to Russia 


a tragic hour in the tribulations of the Jews in Russia. A 
barbarous pogrom had taken place in the Easter week of 
1903, in Kishineff, the capital of the province of Bessarabia, 
which sent a shudder of terror throughout the Jewish com- 
munities in the Tsar's dominions and caused a shock to the 
whole civilized world. There had been anti-Jewish excesses 
in Russia before, the first having taken place in 1881, but 
over ten years had elapsed since the Jews had last been sub- 
jected to organized massacre, and it had been believed that 
such outbursts of bestial savagery would never recur. All 
the greater, therefore, was the consternation and horror 
aroused by the orgy of slaughter and plunder that had now 
taken place. For two whole days, April 6 and 7, Jews were at 
the mercy of bands of marauders armed with axes, iron bars, 
and clubs, who did not recoil even from killing pregnant 
women and murderins: babies. The casualties consisted of 
forty-five persons dead and nearly six hundred wounded, 
eighty-six seriously, while fifteen hundred Jewish houses and 
shops were plundered or demolished. 

The Kishineff pogrom was all the inore revolting and dis- 
quieting because the attendant circumstances showed that 
it had been deliberately planned with the knowledge and 
even support of the Government and carried out with the 
complicity of the local authorities. For weeks beforehand. 
the minds of the populace were poisoned and inflamed by 


defamation of the Jews in the only Kishineff paper allowed 
by the Government and subsidized by it, which falsely 
accused them of "ritual murder," while further incendiary 
material consisted of pamphlets printed by a department of 
the Holy Synod in St. Petersburg. The onslaught began 
simultaneously in many parts of the city, as though by a 
prearranged signal; it was facilitated by the previous marking 
of the houses and shops of Jews with white chalk; and the 
assailants comprised not only peasants brought into the city 
but also local workingmen, students, officials, and priests. 
Even policemen and soldiers, instead of protecting the Jews, 
took part in bludgeoning them, without any restraint being 
exercised by their superiors; and when a deputation of Jews 
called upon the Governor, to beg him to suppress the ex- 
cesses, he replied that he had not received orders from St. 
Petersburg to do so, and sent them away, with the result 
that many of them were wounded and one was killed. For 
two whole days, the Jewish quarters of the city were the 
scene of violence, murder, rape, and robbery, in which the 
most brutal outrages were committed upon the living and 
the dead, synagogues were desecrated, and Scrolls of the 
Torah were defiled and torn into shreds.^ Not until tele- 
graphic orders were received from St. Petersburg did the 
pogrom cease, as suddenly as it had begun. The all-powerful 
Minister of the Interior, Viatscheslav Plehve (1846-1904), 
thereupon forbade the Russian press to print any account of 
the dreadful and shameful happenings and compelled the 
Dapers to state that there had been a sudden outbreak pro- 
voked by the Jews. This mendacious story was disproved 

1 The KishinefE pogrom was dealt with very fully in many books, notably 
in E. Semenoff, The Russian Government and the Massacres (1907), I. Singer. 
Russia at the Bar of the American people (1904), and Die Judenpogrome in 
Russland (1910). 


not only by the testimony of some Russian witnesses cou- 
rageous enough to speak the truth at the subsequent trial of 
a number of persons accused of having taken part in the 
pogrom, but also by a secret letter published in the London 
Times, sent by Plehve to the Governor of Kishineff two 
weeks before it occurred, instructing him that, in case of 
anti-Jewish "disturbances," he should refrain from using 
arms, so as not to arouse "hostile feelings against the Govern- 

The catastrophe that befell the Jews of Kishineff spread a 
feeling of alarm and panic among all the other Jews in 
Russia, who feared that they might become the victims of a 
similar disaster. It also gave an impetus to emigration, in 
which, as after previous pogroms, they saw their only means 
of escape. Brooding over this somber situation, Herzl again 
decided to seek an audience with the Tsar. On May 19, he 
wrote a letter to Plehve in which he stated that he had heard 
that a feeling of despair had overtaken the Jews in Russia, 
which had resulted in the older generation being paralyzed 
in their economic activity, while the younger had succumbed 
to revolutionary doctrines. This distressing state of affairs 
could be stopped if the Tsar would receive him, as it would 
produce a tranquilizing effect, and he could, at the same 
time, give full information about the Zionist movement. He 
recalled that he had some years before written a memoran- 
dum on the movement, which had been presented by the 
Grand Duke of Baden to the Tsar, and also that both the 
Grand Dukes of Baden and of Hesse had asked his Majesty 
to grant him an audience. Now that so serious a crisis had 
arisen, he ventured to repeat his request, through the ful- 
fillment of which he would be able to render the Russian 
Government an important service. He sent a copy of the 
letter to the Procurator of the Holy Synod, Podiedonostsev, 


and asked him to support his request. Baroness von Suttner 
gave her willing cooperation by addressing a letter to the 
Tsar through the medium of the Russian Ambassador in 
Vienna, in which she earnestly recommended the Zionist 
leader to his Majesty's favor. 

While impatiently awaiting the response to his efforts, 
Herzl continued to occupy himself with the problem of 
securing a territory for a Jewish settlement. A few days after 
dispatching his letters to St. Petersburg, he received a long 
report from Greenberg (dated May 20), stating that he had 
had another talk with Joseph Chamberlain, who offered a 
territory in East Africa large enough for a million Jews, 
with local self-government— not Uganda, but in the same 
region. Herzl replied that the proposal must be taken into 
serious consideration, and asked for details. Before receiving 
that report, Herzl for a short time considered the possibility 
of a settlement in Mozambique, which had suggested itself 
to him as the result of Chamberlain having mentioned 
Uganda to him in their last interview. He thought of acquir- 
ing the island from the needy Portuguese Government, but 
only to offer it later to the British Government in exchange 
for the whole of the Sinai Peninsula, including water from 
the Nile, as well as Cyprus (a plan that seemed to leave the 
views of the Egyptain Government entirely out of account). 

After obtaining an introduction to the Portuguese Am- 
bassador in Vienna, Count Paraty, from Premier Koerber, 
Herzl called upon him for an exploratory talk, and followed 
this up with a letter in which he asked for a territory suitable 
for colonization by fifty thousand families. But he had not 
abandoned all hope of reaching a satisfactory agreement with 


the Turkish Government. On June 4, he wrote a letter to 
Izzet Bey, in which, after referring to the Kishineff atrocity and 
stressing the need of finding immediate relief for the afflicted 
Jews, he proposed that Izzet's offer of territory in Mesopotamia, 
made in February, 1902, should be combined with his own 
suggestion concerning the Sandjak of Acre. A week later, he 
had a second talk with Count Paraty, who was willing to 
give him introductions to the Portuguese Prime Minister 
and the Colonial Minister if he would arrange to go to 
Lisbon. Thereupon he convened a meeting of the Zionist 
Executive to ascertain their views on his Portuguese African 
plan. They were divided. Kahn and Marmorek were in favor, 
but Kokesch was strongly opposed, while Kremenezky agreed 
with Herzl that they could demand Palestine with greater 
insistence if they already had a legally secured gathering-center 
elsewhere. After further reflection, Herzl decided to abandon 
the Mozambique idea, as it would become known if he went 
to Lisbon and would have a prejudicial effect upon Chamber- 
lain's offer. A few days later (on June 14), he received a 
telegram from Greenberg, saying that Chamberlain wished 
to see a draft agreement for a Jewish settlement, which he 
would submit to the Government for consideration. Not 
until after another month did he reply to Count Paraty that 
he was too busy to go to Lisbon before September. 

Meanwhile, he heard from Baroness von Suttner that the 
Tsar would not receive him. He therefore wrote (on July 8) 
to a Polish lady in St. Petersburg, Madame von Korwin 
Piatrowska, whose sympathetic interest in Zionism had been 
aroused by a zealous Warsaw Zionist, Dr. I. Jasinowski, that he 
was anxious to see Plehve, who had not answered his letter. 
The reply that he received was that he would be granted an 
interview by Plehve, who would be glad "to make the 
acquaintance of so interesting a personality as Dr. Herzl 


and would support with all his heart an emigration without 

Between writing to this Polish lady and receiving her 
reply, Herzl made yet a further inquiry about a territory. 
He wrote to Franz Philippson, of Brussels, of the Council 
of the Jewish Colonization Association, to find out whether 
he would help him to get a tract of land in the Congo Free 
State for a self-governing colony, and whether he would 
approach King Leopold II to ascertain if he would receive 
Herzl. Philippson promptly refused to further such a project, 
and wrote that the Congo was unsuitable for a Jewish 

Herzl did not pursue the matter, but began to make 
preparations for his journey to St. Petersburg. He wrote to 
Lord Rothschild to inform him of his plan, and asked for an 
introduction to the Russian Finance Minister Witte, but the 
request was declined without any plausible excuse. He then 
invited a leading member of the Actions Committee, Dr. 
N. Katzenelsohn, a banker of Libau, to come to Vienna to 
discuss the details of the journey and to be his traveling 
companion. He also held a meeting at his home of the 
Executive and some friends to deal with various matters 
before his departure. Suddenly, without a word of explan- 
ation, he disappeared. His friends wondered where he had 
gone, and, when he returned some time later, he evaded their 
questions. Not until he was in the train with Katzenelsohn 
did he explain where he had been. "It was not very polite of 
me," he said, "suddenly to disappear from you, but it was a 
journey that I had to make. I didn't want to take this step, 
perhaps the most important in my life, without failing to do 
Avhat I never omit before such momentous undertakings- 
first paying a visit to my father's grave." It was a manifes- 
tation of the filial piety that remained with him until the end. 



Herzl arrived in St. Petersburg on August 7, and, on the 
following day, had an interview of an hour and a quarter 
with the dreaded Minister of the Interior. He probably 
knew that Plehve was generally reputed to have been an 
accessory to the massacre, but he thought that it was never- 
theless his duty to speak to him because of what he might 
achieve, as he had been informed that a secret order had 
been issued to all provincial governors and chiefs of police, 
forbidding all Zionist meetings and collections throughout 
Russia, and he hoped to secure the suppression of the order. 

Plehve, who gave Herzl a friendly welcome (and even 
offered him a cigarette, which was declined), said that he 
considered the Jewish question in Russia rather important 
and he was trying to solve it in as good a way as possible. 
The Russian State must have a homogeneous population and 
the Jews must adopt a patriotic attitude. The Government 
wanted to effect their assimilation in two ways— by higher 
education and economic advancement. Those who fulfilled 
these conditions, and thus became upholders of the existing 
polity, were given civil rights, but assimilation was pro- 
ceeding very slowly. He admitted that only a limited number 
of Jews could be allowed to receive higher education, as other- 
wise there would soon be no positions left for Christians. 
He also agreed that the economic situation in the Jewish 
Pale of Settlement was bad, but this was a lar^e area, com- 
prising thirteen provinces; and he added that conditions had 
recently become worse because Jews had joined revolutionary 

Turning to Zionism, the Minister said that he approved 
of it as long as it aimed at emigration, but the Government 
had lately noticed a change. There had been less talk of 


Zionism and more emphasis had been laid on culture, 
organization, and Jewish nationality. They did not like that. 
Plehve displayed a remarkable knowledge of leading Russian 
Zionists and mentioned the names of some who, he said, had 
not been obedient to the Vienna Executive. 

Herzl replied that the opposition that he had to cope with 
was similar to the phenomenon experienced by Columbus. 
As long as there was no land visible after weeks of sailing, 
there was insubordination; but as soon as land was glimpsed, 
the murmuring ceased. "Help me to reach the land sooner," 
he said, "and the revolt will cease. The defection to the 
Socialists will also stop." 

Plehve asked what help Herzl wanted, whereupon the 
Zionist leader submitted three specific requests: first, the 
Russian Government should intervene with the Turkish 
Government, so that it should grant a Charter for a settle- 
ment in Palestine to be founded, with sufficient capital, by 
a Jewish colonization company which would pay an annual 
tribute to the Ottoman treasury; second, the Russian Govern- 
ment should support Jewish emigration by means of sub- 
sidies derived from Jewish communal funds; and third, the 
Russian Government "should facilitate the loyal organization 
of Russian Zionist societies according to the Basle Program." 
Plehve immediately agreed to all three requests and asked 
for an exposition embodying them. Herzl promised to let 
him have such a document and also the text of a statement 
to be read at the forthcoming Congrress, which, besides 
mentioning the three points, would add that the Russian 
Government, "to prove the humanitarian character of these 
measures," proposes to enlarge the Jewish Pale of Settlement 
very soon for those who do not wish to emigrate. 

Herzl also asked for the ratification of the constitution of 
Zionist societies, which would be submitted; and meanwhile. 


the Minister might issue orders to the Governors to tolerate 
the movement. Plehve replied: "I cannot order toleration. 
But submit to me a draft constitution." Finally, Herzl asked 
for an introduction to Witte, which Plehve immediately 
wrote out, and then for the favor of another audience after 
his exposition had been studied. Plehve promised a second 
audience, and, as he gripped Herzl by the hand on parting, 
said that he was very happy to have made his acquaintance. 

Accompanied by Dr. Katzenelsohn, Herzl next went to see 
General Kireyev (brother of Madame Olga Novikoff, who 
held a political salon in London before the First World 
War), Chamberlain of a Grand Duchess living in a castle at 
Favlovsk, "a sort of Russian Potsdam," some distance from 
the capital. He succeeded in arousing his sympathies for the 
Zionist idea and obtained from him an introduction to von 
Hartwig, Director of the Asiatic Department of the Foreign 

When Herzl had his interview on Augrust 9 with Count 
Serge Witte (1849-1915), he found him anything but ami- 
able. He described him as "a big, ugly, clumsy, serious man, 
with a peculiarly flattened nose, knock-kneed, and splay- 
footed." Witte began by launching forth on a little discourse 
on anti-Semitism and its different causes. He said that the Tsar 
had honest anti-Jewish prejudices that were mainly of a re- 
ligious character. There were also prejudices due to economic 
rivalry; some were anti-Semites because it was fashionable; 
and journalists and others were anti-Semites for business 
reasons. The Jews, he continued, gave catise for hostility 
because "they were arrogant, poor, and dirty, and therefore 
repulsive. They indulged in all sorts of ugly transactions, so 
that it was hard for friends of the Jews to defend them, as 
they would be accused of having been bought." "But I don't 
take notice of that," said the Minister, "I have the courage." 


A recent factor of importance was the participation of the 
Jews in revolutionary movements. Although, out of a total 
population in Russia of one hundred thirty-six million, there 
were only seven million Jews,^ their membership in the 
revolutionary parties was about 50 per cent. When Herzl 
inquired to what circumstance the Minister attributed this, 
he replied that he believed it was the fault of the Govern- 
ment, which oppressed them too much. 

"I used to say to the late Emperor Alexander III," con- 
tinued Witte, " 'Your Majesty, if it were possible to drown 
six or seven million Jews in the Black Sea, I would be 
entirely in favor of it. But if it is not possible, then one must 
let them live.' That has remained my view. I am against 
further repressive measures." 

Herzl asked whether the Jews could long continue to 
bear their desperate situation, to which Witte replied by 
asking: "Where is the way out?" Thereupon Herzl unfolded 
his arguments in support of the Zionist solution, and Witte, 
after gradually conceding that they were right, except that 
he wished that the Holy Places should not be under Jewish 
control, asked what Herzl wanted from the Government. 

"Certain encouragements," said the Zionist leader. 

"But the Jews are given some encouragements to emi- 
grate," said the Minister. "For example, by kicks." 

To this stupid and brutal remark Herzl calmly and icily 
retorted: "That's not the sort of encouragement about which 
I wish to speak. That is known." He then developed the 
three points of his memorandum for Plehve, and Witte 
finally admitted that his solution would be good, if it could 

2 This was an exaggeration, as, according to official statistics, the number 
of Jews in Russia in Europe at that time was 6,122,000. There were certainly 
no statistics of the racial composition of revolutionary parties, which were 
essentially secret organizations. 


be carried out. Herzl asked him to show his support for the 
movement by canceling the prohibition of the sale of the 
shares of the Jewish Colonial Trust. Witte promised to do 
so, on condition that a branch of the Trust be established 
in Russia, so that control could be exercised over its business. 
Herzl readily agreed to this condition, and the interview, 
which had lasted an hour and a quarter, was over. As Witte 
accompanied him to the stairs, he shook his hand repeatedly, 
"which seems to be much for this vulgarian," noted Herzl 
in his Diary, "who is in the habit of dispatching Excellencies 

Herzl received a long and satisfactory reply from Plehve 
to the exposition that he had sent him, and, on August 13, 
he had a second interview with him, which was more favor- 
able than the first. Plehve explained that he had to keep 
Herzl waiting a few days for his letter, as he wished to sub- 
mit it first to the Tsar for his approval, which was given. 
His Majesty took the opportunity of complaining about the 
attacks upon him in the foreign press on account of the 
Jews, and was hurt that it was said that the Russian Govern- 
ment had taken part in organizing excesses or even tolerated 
them passively. He was equally well-disposed toward all his 
subjects, and it pained him that anything inhumane should 
be imputed to him. Plehve admitted that the position of the 
Jews was not good and that if he were a Jew he would 
probably also be an enemy of the Government. But, in fact, 
the Government could not do anything different from what 
it had done, and it would therefore be pleased to see the 
establishment of an independent Jewish State, which could 
receive a few million Jews. 

"But we don't want to lose all our Jews," continued the 


Minister. "The very intelligent— and you are the best proof 
that there are such— we would like to keep. But those of 
inferior intelligence and of scanty means, we would be glad 
to be rid of. We have no hostile feeling against the Jews as 
such, and indeed I show you that in my letter." 

Herzl urged that Plehve should meanwhile do something 
more for the Jews who remained in Russia, by extending 
their right of domicile to Courland and Riga or allowing 
them to acquire a certain amount of land for farming. 
Plehve replied that he had no objection to Jews settling in 
the Baltic Provinces, where there were Germans and Letts. 
He had previously intended allowing Jews in the Pale to 
buy land for agriculture, but there had been stormy protests 
from Russians. He had taken over the Government as a 
friend of the Jews: he knew the Jews very well, as he had 
spent his youth among them in Warsaw, and he had Jewish 
friends. He was against granting land to individual Jews, but 
would be in favor of entire Jewish communities settling on 
the land, and they could allot private holdings to individuals. 
He suggested that Baron Horace de Giinzberg:, the banker 
and philanthropist, who often came to discuss Jewish affairs 
with him, should speak to him about it. 

Herzl replied that Giinzberg was old and not very bright, 
although a very estimable man. He would prefer that Plehve 
should have a talk with his confidential representative. Dr. 
Katzenelsohn, who was modern, educated, and respected. 
The Minister said that he would gladly receive him if he 
came with an introduction from Herzl. "The form," ob- 
served the latter, "would be that of the agricultural pro- 
ductive cooperative?" Plehve assented, whereupon Herzl 
stressed that the most important thing was to intervene with 
the Sultan: everything depended upon that. The Russian 
Consul in Constantinople, Rostkowski, had recently been 


shot there, and the Russian Government were therefore in 
a good position to require compliance with their political 
demands. Herzl expressed the wish that the Tsar himself 
should personally intervene with the Sultan. Plehve promised 
to mention it to his Majesty, but he could not do it then, 
as the Tsar was leaving on that day. Herzl also expressed 
the desire to have an audience with the Tsar himself, where- 
upon Plehve said: "We shall see— after the Congress." 

When Herzl submitted the draft constitution for the Zion- 
ist Organization in Russia, Plehve objected that the Zionists 
would be always having Congresses, which was forbidden to 
the Christians. Herzl assured him that he would tell the 
Zionists that they must not have Congresses. Thereupon the 
Minister refenred to a large file on Zionism, in a gold and 
brown binding, and said that he had intended suppressing 
Zionism in Russia. He would now keep the matter in sus- 
pense, and everything would depend upon nothing indis- 
creet being said at the forthcoming Congress at Basle. He 
then took a very amiable farewell of the Zionist leader. 

On returning to his hotel, Herzl wrote a letter to Plehve, 
again emphasizing the importance of the Tsar's intervention 
with the Sultan. He enclosed an open letter to Lord Roths- 
child, which he asked Plehve to read and then seal and 
forward to London. In this letter, he wrote that he had found 
the Russian Government favorably disposed, that he would 
make an important statement to the Congress that would be 
gratifying to Jewry, and that it would help to improve the 
situation if the pro-Jewish press would cease their hostile 
tone toward Russia. He also wrote a letter to Witte, in which 
he formally applied for permission to establish a branch of 
the Jewish Colonial Trust in Russia. 

On the last day of his stay in St. Petersburg, August 15, 
Herzl had a talk with von Hartwig, who, besides being 


Director of the Asiatic Department of the Foreign Office, 
was also President of the Imperial Russian Palestine Society. 
He again gave an exposition of the Zionist movement and 
informed Hartwig that Plehve had promised him in the 
name of the Tsar that the Russian Government would in- 
tervene with the Sultan. Thereupon Hartwig told him that 
the Russian Minister in Berne, von Joneu, who had not 
much to do, had made a study of the Zionist movement and 
had furnished the Foreign Office with a voluminous report. 
The cause appealed to the Foreign Office, but, as nobody 
occupied himself with it, the matter was neglected. He would 
like to have a report that he could hand to the Foreign 
Minister, and Herzl promised to let him have one in a 
fortnight. Hartwig said that he would then inquire of Am- 
bassador Zinoviev, in Constantinople, as to what could be 
done in the matter. 

But Herzl's hopes of early action in the Turkish capital 
were dashed to the ground when he again met General 
Kireyev, who came to see him at his hotel. The General 
told him that he could not expect any Russian intervention 
with the Turkish Government for the time bein^. Owing; 
to the murder of the Consul Rostkowski, the Russian Fleet 
was now demonstrating before Constantinople, and, as Rus- 
sia's demands for satisfaction had all been fulfilled, there 
would be no pleasant relations between the two countries 
for a long time. 

It was therefore with a feeling of profound disappoint- 
ment that Herzl journeyed from St. Petersburg to Vilna. He 
wished to see for himself the conditions of life in that citadel 
of orthodox Judaism and Rabbinic tradition, which Napo- 
leon, on entering the city at the head of his Grand Army, 


called "the Jerusalem of Lithuania." Some Zionist friends 
had tried to dissuade him from going there, on the ground 
that there might be a hostile demonstration against him by 
members of the Bund, the Jewish Socialist organization, 
which was bitterly opposed to Zionism. But he rejected this 
counsel of caution, which only sharpened his desire to be- 
come acquainted with the Jewish community of Vilna. His 
visit was a memorable event, both in his career as a Jewish 
leader and in the history of the community itself, and since 
he wrote a vivid account of it on the very next day, when 
his impressions were quite fresh, it is better to reproduce 
it here than to attempt a paraphrase: 

17 August, 171 the train between Thorn and Posen. 

Yesterday, the day of Vilna, will remain with me unforget- 
table. No florid phraseology. The arrival in the Russo-Polish city 
at midday was already marked by ovations. I don't like this sort 
of thing. 

But the situation became more real, because more dangerous, 
when the police, who devoted the greatest attention to me from 
the beginning, forbade all gatherings, even my drive to the Great 
Synagogue. I was driven, however, through excited Jewish streets 
to the community's office, where the leaders and deputations 
awaited me. There Avas a tone in the greetings that moved me 
so deeply that it was only the thought of the reports in the 
press that enabled me to restrain my tears. The numerous 
speeches of all kinds overrated me enormously, but the wretched- 
ness of these sorely oppressed people was genuine. 

Afterward ail kinds of deputations with presents came to me 
in the hotel, in front of which a crowd dispersed by the police 
gathered again repeatedly. The police also sent me a message 
that I must not drive about in the city. 

Toward evening we drove to Werki, an hour from the city, 
where Jews are normally not allowed to live. There our friend 
Ben Jacob had rented a summer villa, which is remotely situated 


in relation to transport conditions existing in the vicinity of 
this Russian provincial town. He had invited here about fifty 
guests. Ghetto with good Ghetto speeches. But the dinner served 
up was splendid. They wanted to be nice to me and do every- 
thing that they could. And the host, among the many toasts of 
the others, delivered a fine impressive speech of real old Jewish 
dignity. He said: "We are here today all happy, but the happiest 
is myself because I have this guest under my roof." 

But he was surpassed by the guests at the fence, who suddenly 
appeared outside in the night in front of the veranda behung 
with curtains: poor youths and girls from Vilna, who had 
tramped all the way on foot (a journey of about two hours) to 
see me at dinner. There they stood outside, looking on as we 
ate and listening to the speeches. And they provided the dinner 
music by singing Hebrew songs. Ben Jacob, the genuine kind- 
hearted host, was good enough to feed these uninvited guests. 
One of the young workmen in a blue blouse, who struck me 
because of his hard determined features, so that I took him for 
one of the revolutionary "Bundists," surprised me by drinking 
a toast to the time when "Hamelech ^ Herzl" would reign. But 
this ridiculous outburst produced a remarkable impression in 
the dark Russian night. 

We drove back; and at one o'clock at night from the hotel 
to the station. The town was awake, because they awaited my 
departure. In the streets through which we had to pass they 
stood and walked and called out "Hedad" ^ when they recognized 
me. The same also from the balconies. But in the vicinity of 
the railway station, where the crowd became denser, there were 
unfortunately clashes with the police, who had instructions to 
keep the station clear. It was a regular Russian police maneuver, 
which I was shocked to see, while my carriage rushed on faster 
to the station. Cries of "Hedad," brutal shouts of the policemen, 
who threw themselves at intervals against the running crowd; 

3 "The King." 


and my driver lashed out at the horses. At the station entrance, 
which was cordoned off, stood three police officers. The eldest, 
white-bearded, greeted me with marked politeness. 

A little group, about fifty to sixty of my friends, had neverthe- 
less succeeded in smuggling themselves into the station. I stood 
speaking to them quietly, when a police officer, followed by a 
sergeant, strode through the restaurant with clinking spurs. He 
stationed himself behind us at a table looking on. When I took 
my hat off to my friends, he also greeted respectfully. Was this 
due to an order from St. Petersburg to protect me, or to the 
officers' secret fear of the crowd? 

Early in the morning at Eydtkuhnen I was awaited by a group 
of Zionists from the Russian frontier town. Another speech and 
a bouquet. 

That was Russia. 

The tremendous enthusiasm aroused among the Jews of 
Vilna by Herzl's visit is vividly reflected in an account by an 
eye-witness, Boris Goldberg,^ one of the Zionist leaders of 
the community, who provides some interesting details of the 
official reception and also of the midnight scene at the sta- 
tion. It was in a small, stuffy, dingy chamber— symbolic of 
the Ghetto itself— that the ceremonial welcome took place. 
The senior warden, Aryeh Naiscluil, greeted Herzl in a voice 
quivering with emotion and tendered him a Hebrew address 
inscribed on parchment; the historian. Wolf Jawitz, pre- 
sented him with a Scroll of the Torah; and the senior Rabbi, 
the venerable Reb Schleimele (Rabbi Solomon ha-Kohen), 
with trembling and almost transparent palms outstretched, 
pronounced the priestly blessing. After each speech, Herzl, in 
awed silence, expressed his thanks in measured and moving 
words that thrilled his hearers and inspired them with hope 
and comfort for the future. 

5 Article in Die Welt, May 20, 1910. 


The behavior of the Russian police, in driving the crowd 
away with their nagaikas and suppressing any kind of en- 
thusiastic demonstration, was typical of the time and the 
country. They were easily outwitted, however, by the Zion- 
ists, who were determined to enter the station to see their 
leader off, despite the order that none but those with luggage 
should be admitted; for over fifty of them sped home, re- 
turned with hand-baggage, and were thus qualified to go 
on the platform. Thus was Muscovite bureaucratic caprice 
satisfied and Herzl was given a moving farewell. If his 
mission to Russia did not yield any political success, he left 
the country richer by a spiritual experience. 


The East Africa Offer 


visit to Russia was in no way connected with the purpose 
that had impelled him to go there. It was his receipt of an 
offer from the British Government of territory in the East 
Africa Protectorate for the establishment of a Jewish settle- 
ment. It reached him at his hotel in Vilna, in the form of 
a letter from the Foreign Office, transmitted by his con- 
fidential representative in London, Leopold J. Greenberg. 
The letter was the outcome of negotiations that were begun 
by Herzl in his interview with the Colonial Secretary, Joseph 
Chamberlain, on October 22, 1902, and resumed by him in 
a subsequent conversation on April 24, 1903, when Chamber- 
lain first suggested East Africa as a suitable region for a 
Jewish settlement. Before leaving London, Herzl had en- 
trusted Greenbers: with the further conduct of the ne^otia- 
tions, and, after it became clear that the Sinai Peninsula 
project could not be realized. Chamberlain repeated the 
suggestion to Greenberg. The latter informed Herzl, who 
wired back that he should ascertain full details. Thereupon 
Greenberg entered into correspondence with Chamberlain 
and kept Herzl, under whose instructions he acted, informed 
of every stage. At Greenberg's suggestion, Herzl requested 
him to write to Chamberlain that he was willingr to send out 
a Commission of Inquiry to East Africa, but that before 
doing so he would like to know whether the British Govern- 


ment would be prepared to consider a draft agreement that 
he would submit. 

Chamberlain replied (on June 11) that Herzl could send 
a draft agreement, but that the decision would depend upon 
the Foreign Office and he was "quite willing to do his best 
to secure their consideration." Accordingly, Greenberg 
engaged as the lawyer to draft the agreement a man who was 
destined later to play a dominant part in Zionist history- 
David Lloyd George, of the London firm of Lloyd George, 
Roberts and Company.^ As the agreement could not be con- 
cluded with Herzl, who was not a British subject, the con- 
tracting party was the Jewish Colonial Trust, which was an 
English registered company. After protracted discussion. 
Greenberg, on July 13, submitted the draft to Chamberlain, 
who passed it on to the Foreign Office for consideration by 
the Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, and his legal experts. A 
few weeks later, on August 6, Greenberg called at the 
Foreign Office and discussed certain points with two high 
officials. Sir Eric Harrington and C. J. B. Hurst; and after 
Lord Lansdowne had approved the amended draft he gave 
instructions for a letter embodying the offer of territory to 
be sent to Greenberg in time to reach him before the Con- 
gress. It was this letter, signed by Sir Clement Hill, Chief 
of the Protectorate Department of the Foreign Office, that 
reached Herzl in Vilna. 

It stated that Lord Lansdowne would be happy to give 
every facility to the Commission of Inquiry that would be 
sent out to the East Africa Protectorate to discuss with His 
Majesty's Commission "the possibility of meeting the view 
which may be expressed at the forthcoming Zionist Congress 

1 See Oskar K. Rabinowicz, "New Light on the East Africa Scheme," in 
The Rebirth of Israel, edited by Israel Cohen. 


in regard to the conditions upon which a settlement might 
be possible." It then continued: 

If a site can be found which the Trust and His Majesty's 
Commissioner consider suitable and which commends itself to 
His Majesty's Government, Lord Lansdowne will be prepared 
to entertain favourably proposals for the establishment of a 
Jewish colony or settlement, on conditions which will enable 
the members to observe their National customs. For this purpose 
he would be prepared to discuss (if a suitable site had been 
found and subject to the views of the advisers of the Secretary 
of State in East Africa) the details of a scheme comprising as its 
main features: the grant of a considerable area of land, the ap- 
pointment of a Jewish Official as chief of the local administra- 
tion, and permission to the Colony to have a free hand in regard 
to municipal legislation and as to the management of religious 
and purely domestic matters, such local autonomy being condi- 
tional upon the right of His Majesty's Government to exercise 
a general control. 

It was with this important letter in his pocket that Herzl 
returned from Russia to Austria and went straight on to 
Alt Aussee to spend a day with his family before going to 
Basle for the Sixth Zionist Congress. From Alt Aussee, he 
wrote to Bacher that he would submit to the Congress a 
document of the highest political importance, of which the 
Neue Freie Presse should not fail to publish a report. Neither 
the movement nor he himself needed this publication, but the 
paper needed it. He left for Basle, accompanied by his 
mother for the first time. He regretted that he had never 
taken his father to a Congress, and he little dreamed that 
the Congress to which he was taking his mother was the 
last that he himself would attend. In the train, he was sur- 
prised to meet Prince Philipp Eulenburg, the German Am- 
bassador in Vienna, and seized the opportunity to inform 


him of the results of his visit to Russia, which he wished 
him to communicate to the Kaiser, but not to Biilow. 

On arriving at Basle, he suffered from heart palpitations, 
owing to fatigue, which prompted him to write in his Diary: 
"If I did this for thanks I should be a great fool." On Friday, 
August 21, he delivered a report to the "Great Actions Com- 
mittee," on his mission to Russia and the offer from the 
British Government, and was disappointed and annoyed at 
the reception with which he met. "The thought did not 
occur to any of them even for a second that a word or even 
a smile of thanks was due to me for the gieatest of my 
achievements so far," On the contrary, he had to listen to 
reproaches from three leading representatives from Russia, 
Dr. Victor Jacobson, Dr. Jechiel Tschlenow, and Professor 
Grigori Belkowsky, because he had parleyed with the Min- 
ister, who was regarded as responsible for the Kishineff 
massacre. As for the British offer, Herzl's personal friends, 
Alexander Marmorek and Dr. Bodenheimer, were opposed 
to it on the ground that it was incompatible with the Basle 

After the Sabbath morning service, which Herzl attended in 
the Basle Synagogue, he invited a number of leading Zionists 
to a private meeting in Joseph Cowen's room at the Hotel 
Drei Konige to secure their support for the British offer, but 
the discussion merely ended with the decision that it should 
be laid before the Congress. There was a further meeting of 
the "Great Actions Committee" in the evening, at which far 
more time was spent in speeches on the Kishineff pogrom 
and Plehve's letter than on the East Africa project. 

The Sixth Congress, which opened on Sunday morning, 


August 23, and lasted six days, was attended by nearly six 
hundred delegates. This was a larger number than on any 
previous occasion and indicated the remarkable growth that 
the movement had undergone. The most numerous repre- 
sentation was from Russia, which was naturally due to its 
containing at that time nearly one-half of the total Jewish 
population in the world. Delegates had traveled from places 
as remote as Tashkent and Siberia, and the most picturesque 
figures were two Jews from the Caucasus Mountains in 
their native belted costume, with black astrakhan hat, toj> 
boots, cartridge-pouches, and gun. Since the last Congress, 
the number of Zionist societies in Russia had risen from 
1,146 to 1,572, and there had also been increases in other 
parts of the world. Further concrete evidence of the progress 
of the movement consisted of the fact that the Jewish Colo- 
nial Trust had already yielded an interest of six thousand 
pounds, that an offshoot of the bank, with a capital of fifty 
thousand pounds, had been established in Jaffa under the 
name of the Anglo-Palestine Company,^ and the Jewish 
National Fund had raised nearly twenty thousand pounds for 
the purchase of land in Palestine. 

The all-dominating question at the Congress was the 
British offer. Before dealing with this in his inaugural ad- 
dress, Herzl touched on the policy of Jewish emigration from 
Eastern Europe, which had been pursued for the past twenty 
years, and emphasized its failure, as shown by the Alien Im- 
migration Commission in England. He admitted the negative 
result of his two visits to Constantinople since the last Con- 
gress, and said that it was on that account that he had 
entered into contact with members of the British Cabinet 

2 The Anglo-Palestine Company was afterward called the Anglo-Palestine 
Bank, which ultimately developed into the Bank Leumi le-Israel (with eighty 
branches in Israel and offices in London, Zurich and New York). 


and proposed a settlement in the Sinai Peninsula. He related 
in detail the appointment of the Expedition of Inquiry, the 
outcome of its investigations, and the disappointing decision 
of the Egyptian Government. The British Government had 
now offered him another territory for a Jewish settlement. 
It did not possess the historical, religious, poetic, or Zionist 
attraction of the Sinai Peninsula, but he did not doubt that 
the Congress, as the representative of the Jewish masses, 
would accept this offer with the warmest gratitude. The 
proposal signified, he declared amid loud applause, an au- 
tonomous Jewish settlement in East Africa, with a Jewish 
administration and local government, headed by a Jewish 
high official, under supreme British control. While sub- 
mitting the offer to the Congress for consideration, Herzl 
solemnly affirmed that the Jewish people could not have any 
other goal but Palestine, and that, although their views about 
the land of their fathers remained immutable, the Congress 
would appreciate the extraordinary progress made by their 
movement, as evidenced by these negotiations with the Brit- 
ish Government. He went on to add: 

"I may say that our views regarding Palestine have been 
expressed to the members of the British Cabinet frankly and 
fully, and also explained to the high Government officials 
concerned in this matter. I believe that the Conojess will 
find means to make use of this offer. It was conveyed to us 
in a manner that must contribute to improve and alleviate 
the position of the Jewish people, without our surrendering 
any of the great principles upon which our movement is 
founded." A storm of applause followed the last sentence. 

Herzl refrained from giving any details regarding the 
territory, the exact situation of which had yet to be de- 
termined, and suggested that the most convenient procedure 
for the Congress to follow was to appoint a special committee 


to Study the offer and to submit a resolution for adoption. 
"Whatever may be decided," he continued, "I can say with 
satisfaction that all of us in our hearts feel nothing but the 
deepest sentiment of gratitude for the statesmanlike good- 
will that Great Britain in these negotiations has manifested 
toward the Jewish people." Again there was an outburst 
of prolonged cheering both on the floor of the hall and in 
the galleries, hats and handkerchiefs were waved repeatedly, 
and the delegates rose to acclaim their leader. "This is cer- 
tainly not Zion, nor can it ever be," he declared, anticipating 
the main objection that he was often to hear in the sub- 
sequent discussion. "It is only an emergency colonization, 
but, be it carefully noted, on a national and State-like basis. 
We cannot and shall not in consequence give our masses 
the signal to set out on the march. It is and remains an 
emergency measure, which shall improve upon the present 
lack of policy of all philanthropic organizations and prevent 
the loss of dispersed sections of our people." 

In the concluding part of his address, Herzl spoke of his 
visit to Russia, "rendered necessary by the well-known 
events." He reported on the assurances that he had received 
from the Government that it would not place any obstacle 
in the way of the Zionist movement if it continued to main- 
tain, as hitherto, a quiet and legal character, and also that 
it would shortly consider measures for ameliorating the sad 
position of the Jews in Russia. The Government, he further 
announced, was prepared to cooperate in covering the costs 
of emigration under Zionist direction. Finally— and upon 
this he laid the greatest stress— Russia had promised to use 
her influence in obtaining Palestine from Turkey, a promise 
that signified a diplomatic success that could not be es- 
timated too highly. They could therefore continue their 


efforts for the Land of Israel with greater courage and 
brighter prospects than ever before. 

Although every mention of the magnanimity of Great 
Britain and her recognition of the Zionist Organization as 
a body capable of establishing a self-governing settlement 
aroused salvos of applause, it was not long before it became 
clear that there was considerable and deeply felt opposition, 
on principle, to a settlement outside Palestine. Herzl found 
his most powerful supporter in Max Nordau, who, although 
personally not in favor of the British offer, because it had no 
relation to Zionism, nevertheless agreed to urge that it should 
be given careful consideration on political grounds. Even 
before the debate on the question was opened, Nordau ex- 
pressed his views, in advance, in the course of his masterly 
and eloquent survey of the political situation of Jewry, which 
formed an outstanding feature of the preliminary part of 
every Zionist congress. He said that before they reached 
their definite goal of a Jewish settlement in Palestine, they 
needed a halfway house for the benefit of the hundreds of 
thousands of their brethren, whether Zionists or not, who 
wandered from continent to continent and ran the risk of 
perishing if they were not rescued. For these hundreds of 
thousands, before they could offer them a permanent habita- 
tion, they must open up something like a Nachtasyl—a. night- 
shelter— a statement that evoked a volley of applause. As 
such a "night-shelter" he would regard the colony for which 
the British Government was prepared to offer them land 
under certain conditions: 

It would be a night-shelter that would not only afford its 
inhabitants temporary shelter and food but that would also be 


a political and historical means of education, which would 
accustom the Jews and the world to the idea that has become 
strange to them for thousands of years and repugnant to many 
—that we Jews are a people, a people able, willing, and prepared 
to fulfill all the tasks of a civilized and independent people. 

Again there burst forth a tornado of prolonged applause. 
Other delegates also spoke in favor of examining the Brit- 
ish offer, though none with such eloquence, such po^ver, and 
such cogency. They were mainly from Western countries, 
like Cyrus Sulzberger, of New York, who foretold that the 
time would come when the United States would follow the 
example of Great Britain in planning legislation for restrict- 
ing alien immigration. Another was Dr. Nachman Syrkin 
(1868-1924), a native of Russia and a founder of Zionist 
Socialism, who welcomed the British offer as a recognition 
by a leading government that the Jews were a nation and 
the Zionists were capable of founding a State.^ That, he 
pointed out, was a new idea in the Zionist movement. Among 
the few delegates from Russia who spoke in support was one 
from Kishineff, named Chazan, a rather uncouth figure, with 
a reddish bushy beard and unkempt hair, who held the 
Congress spellbound by his homely Yiddish eloquence, in 
which there was a note of sorrow. Two years later, he fell a 
victim to a pogrom. For hour after hour, the debate con- 
tinued (on August 25 there was an uninterrupted session 
from five in the afternoon until after midnight), in various 
languages and in a tense atmosphere, not on the question 

3 Syrkin had a rather stormy career. In 1897, he left Russia for Berlin, 
where he took part in Socialist activities; in 1901, he visited London, where 
he published several pamphlets; and he returned to Berlin, from where he 
was expelled. After living in Paris for a time, he returned to Russia, in 1905, 
to take part in the revolutionary struggle, and, as the Government would not 
let him stand as a candidate for the Duma because of his Socialist activities, 
he settled in 1907 in the United States. 


whether the offer should be accepted, but whether an ex- 
pedition should be sent to investigate the territory and sub- 
mit a report for consideration by the next Congress. 

The most vehement opposition came from delegates from 
Russia, who, although in more urgent need of a new home 
than their brethren from the West, would not be placated 
with any substitute for Zion. They had fully debated the 
question at a private meeting of their own, at which they 
adopted a resolution by a large majority to thank the British 
Government for its offer but to decline to consider East 
Africa, as the objective of Zionism was a home only in 
Palestine. All the arguments that were used in that debate 
were again advanced in the Congress by their leading 
spokesmen— Tschlenow, Victor Jacobson, Bernstein-Kohan, 
Shmarya Levin, and others ^— that the offer was quite in- 
compatible with the Basle Program and suitable only for 
a philanthropic organization, that it would be wrong for 
Zionists to dissipate any energies on it, and that, even if the 
territory were found fit for settlement, it would be years 
before it was developed, and that it would afford accom- 
modation for only a fraction of the Jews of Eastern Europe. 

The debate was wound up by Nordau in a long speech, 
in which he indignantly repudiated the idea that Zion was 
abandoned. He replied to all the objections that had been 
raised with all the rhetorical skill at his command; he again 
argued that the proposed settlement would be only a sort 
of "night-shelter," in which they would learn to develop the 

4 Dr. Chaim Weizmann, who also took part in the debate, devoted his 
speech primarily to expressing approval of the Sinai Peninsula project, but, 
in his reference to the East Africa scheme, said that he adopted "a positive 
attitude." Despite this, he voted against the resolution to send a Commission 
of Inquiry to investigate the territory, and a few days later agreed to serve 
on the "Committee for the study of the East Africa expedition." Subsequently 
he became a strong opponent of the scheme. 


political independence that they would afterward exercise 
in Palestine; and he succeeded in winning over not only 
many a fence-sitter but also some opponents. Finally, Leo- 
pold Greenberg gave an account of his negotiations with 
Joseph Chamberlain and said that the proposed appointment 
of an Expedition of Inquiry would not bind them in any 
way. The territory that Chamberlain thought would be 
suitable lay between Nairobi and the Mau Escarpment, was 
about two to three hundred square miles in area, and was 
situated near the railway that ran direct from Mombasa, 
Greenberg declared that he was a strong Palestinian, and 
had he "not all along been convinced that the negotiations 
with the British Government and the British proposal were 
a long step toward the goal of our nation, toward Palestine," 
he would have asked their chief to relieve him of the task 
with which he had been honored. He bade them remember 
that the way to Palestine need not necessarily be only the 
geographical way: the political road must never be lost sight 
of. He concluded by reading the text of Sir Clement Hill's 
letter of August 14, conveying the offer of the British Gov- 
ernment. After his English speech had been translated into 
German and French, the Congress adjourned for an hour. 

When the delegates reassembled in the afternoon for the 
purpose of voting, Herzl impressed upon them the gravity 
of the issue upon which they had to decide. He said that 
the only way in which they could show their gratitude to 
Great Britain for her magnanimous offer was by sending out 
an expedition to investigate the suitability of the land, and 
then read out the resolution that had been formulated by 
the "Great Actions Committee." This stated that a com- 


mission of nine members should be appointed, to advise the 
"Smaller Actions Committee" (Executive) on the dispatch 
of the expedition to the regions to be examined; that the 
costs should not be taken from the Jewish Colonial Trust, 
nor from the Anglo-Palestine Company or the Jewish Na- 
tional Fund; and that the decision on the settlement of 
East Africa should be reserved for a Congress to be specially 
convened for that purpose. The voting was by roll call, and 
as the secretary called out the name of each delegate, he 
responded with either "Ja" or "Nein," and a corresponding 
card was placed into one of the two marked baskets which 
lay on the President's table. Thus arose the terms Ja-Sager 
("Yes sayers") and Nein-Sager ("No sayers"), which enriched 
the Zionist vocabulary. The result was that two hundred 
ninety-five were in favor of the resolution and one hundred 
seventy-eight against, while the number who abstained was 
ninty-nine (including Nahum Sokolow and Dr. Charles Drey- 
fus), apart from thirty-two members of the "Great Actions 
Committee" who had previously voted in their private meet- 

The scene that followed the announcement was one that 
I can never for^et.^ Amid a tumult of cheers and CToans, the 
Russian members of the "Great Actions Committee," headed 
by the burly black-bearded figure of Vladimir Tiomkin, 
descended from the platform into the middle of the hall, 
where they were joined by the mass of the Russian delegates, 
and all marched into an adjoining hall. There they gave vent 
to indignation and grief without restraint. Many fell on 
one another's necks and wept; one at least, a young student, 
fainted; and all presented the most doleful and mournful 
looks, as though Zion had been abandoned forever. Herzl 

5 The author was present at the Zionist Congress of 1903 as a press 
correspondent and had several conversations with Herzl. 


went and begged them to return, but they shouted back a 
defiant "Nein!" A little later, however, after tempers had 
somewhat cooled, the Russian delesrates allowed him to 
address them (while refusing admittance to Israel Zangwill), 
though they listened to him in stony silence.® He spoke to 
them calmly, recalled his repeated efforts in Constantinople, 
whose failure was due to the paltry financial support he 
could get, expressed his disappointment at the collapse of 
the El Arish project, and appealed to them to appreciate 
the political significance of the British offer. He assured 
them that he remained loyal to the Basle Program, declared 
that he needed their confidence if he was to continue their 
leader, and concluded that he was always prepared to go if 
he was not wanted. The result was that he won them over, 
and on the following morning they returned to their places 
in the Congress hall, with faces more sternly set than before. 
The question of East Africa was by no means the only one 
that engaged the attention of the Congress. There were other 
subjects of a less controversial nature. A detailed exposition 
of an agricultural cooperative settlement was delivered by 
an economist, Dr. Franz Oppenheimer, whom Herzl, amid 
much applause, introduced as a new adherent of the Jewish 
national cause. An address on "Zionism and Philanthropic 
Organizations" was given by Israel Zangwill, who subjected 
the Jewish Colonization Association and its policy to his 
withering and witty criticism. Sir Francis Montefiore spoke 
at length on organization and propaganda, and Nahum 
Sokolow spoke at greater length on "Charity and Zionism 
in Eastern Europe." But all these and other matters were 
greatly outweighed in importance by the British offer, which 
was to occupy the mind and disturb the peace of Herzl for 

6 A record of this private meeting was written down by Vladimir 
Jabotinsky (who was present) and published in Die Weit, July 3, 1914. 


many months to come. During a considerable part of the 
debates, he acted as Chairman, and such were the tempestu- 
ous feelings that often found expression that he had to call 
for silence by a redoubled knocking with his gavel, and his 
repeated admonition, "Ich bitte um Ruhe!" uttered in his 
soft but resonant voice, still echoes in my memory after 
the passage of years. 

In his closing speech at the end of the Congress, he again 
referred to the British offer, reaffirmed his unwavering: 
loyalty to the Basle Program, and, as though to banish any 
lingering doubt among the delegates, gave added emphasis 
to his statement by raising his right hand and uttering in 
Hebrew the declaration of the Psalmist: "If I forget thee, 

Jerusalem, may my right hand forget its cunning!" There 
followed an outburst of deafening applause. 

When the Congress was over and Herzl had returned to 
his hotel exhausted, he went into Cowen's room, where, in 
the presence also of Zangwill and Nordau, and seated 
"around a bottle of mineral water," he said to them: 

I shall now tell you my speech for the Seventh Congress— if 

1 live until then. By that time, I shall either have Palestine or 
have realized the utter hopelessness of every further effort. In 
the latter case my speech will be as follows: 

It was not possible. Our goal has not been reached and cannot 
be reached within any foreseeable time. But there is an inter- 
mediate result: this land in which we can settle our suffering 
masses on a national basis with self-government. I do not think 
that, for the sake of a beautiful dream or a legitimate flag, we 
dare withhold this alleviation from the unfortunate. But I 
understand that a decisive split has thus occurred in our move- 
ment, and this rent goes right through my person. Although 
originally only for a Jewish Sta.te— n' imp or te oii—I nevertheless 
later bore aloft the Zionist flag and became myself a Lover of 


Zion. Palestine is the only country where our people can find 
rest. But immediate help is necessary for hundreds of thousands. 

To heal this schism there is only one thing: I must retire 
from the leadership. If you wish it, I shall still preside over the 
deliberations of this Congress, and at the end you can elect two 
Action Committees, one for East Africa and one for Palestine. 
I decline to be elected on either. But I shall never withhold my 
advice from those who devote themselves to the work, if they 
request it. And I shall accompany those who indulge in the 
beautiful dream with my wishes. 

By what I have done I have not made Zionism poorer, but 
made Judaism richer. 


From Basle, Herzl went to the Isle of Mainau to see the 
Grand Duke of Baden, upon whose intervention with the 
German Emperor he continued to lay great weight. As they 
strolled about in the garden surrounding the castle, dis- 
cussing the latest Zionist developments, the Grand Duke 
agreed to send Herzl's Congress speech and the letter from 
Plehve to the State Secretary, Baron Richthofen, who could 
officially report on the situation to the Kaiser. The Zionist 
leader then went to Alt Aussee, where he was ill for a week 
from exhaustion, and as soon as he recovered, he plunged 
into a spate of correspondence with political personages in 
St. Petersburg and Vienna, in London, Paris, and Constan- 
tinople, with a view to securing a favorable decision from 
the Sultan in regard to Palestine. 

On September 5, he wrote a long letter to Plehve, describ- 
ing the outcome of the Congress. He explained that the 
opposition to the East Africa project consisted almost en- 
tirely of delegates from Russia and that the Zionists from 
that country who supported him did so largely because of 


their personal devotion to him. However, the land offered 
appeared to be of less value than it was originally thought 
to possess, as the London Times had published a letter from 
Sir Harry Johnston, a former Consul-General for the Uganda 
Protectorate and an authority on tropical Africa, who stated 
that only 20 per cent of the proposed territory could be 
used for settlement by whites. Since it could provide ac- 
commodation only for some tens of thousands of families, 
as well as for other reasons, Herzl wrote that he felt obliged 
to oppose the project. The Congress showed that emigration 
of the Jews from Russia "without return" could be directed 
to no other country but Palestine, and that was why supreme 
importance attached to the Russian Government's promise 
contained in Plehve's letter of August 12. Personal and 
direct intervention by the Tsar with the Sultan would prob- 
ably have a decisive effect. Herzl therefore suggested that 
the Tsar should give him a letter recommending the aim 
of Zionism, which he would take immediately to the Sultan. 
He believed that friendly support would be accorded by 
Britain, France, and Germany, and that, if there were only 
prompt action by the Tsar, emigration could begin in a few 
months. He also wrote a letter to Hartwig, director of the 
First Department of the Russian Foreign Office, suggesting 
that he should write to the Russian Ambassador in Con- 
stantinople, in accordance with the promise contained in 
Plehve's letter, and likewise to General Kireyev, informing 
him of his letter to Hartwig and asking him "to put in a 
good word." 

As the Kaiser was at that time expected, together with the 
Imperial Chancellor, in Vienna, Herzl wrote to Prince Phil- 
ipp Eulenburg, the German Ambassador in the Austrian cap- 
ital, urging him to induce his august master to intervene in 
Constantinople, and pointing out that, if only the Kaiser 


could get the Triple Alliance to support the Palestinian 
project, the Zionist goal would be near to achievement. He 
repeated this idea in a letter to the Grand Duke of Baden. 
He next wrote (on September 13) to the Austrian Prime 
Minister, Koerber, to whom he sent a copy of Plehve's letter, 
stating that it was time that the Zionist question was brought 
officially to the notice of his Government. He accordingly 
asked Koerber to acquaint his Foreign Minister, Count 
Goluchowski, with his desire, and pointed out that Austria's 
intervention at the Sublime Porte would in no way affect 
her foreign interests and that it could contribute to the 
solution of one of her domestic problems (by the emigration 
of Jews). 

While doggedly endeavoring to invoke the cooperation of 
the leading European Powers to win the Sultan over for a 
settlement in Palestine, Herzl was seriously worried over 
the East Africa offer. At Basle, he had received a message of 
congratulations from Lord Rothschild when the offer be- 
came known, and on writing from Alt Aussee to thank him 
for it, Herzl expressed a wish to publish it as a counterblast 
to the hostile letters that had appeared in the London 
Times. For the opposition that had been manifested at the 
Congress was now supplemented by strong objections from 
leading British settlers in East Africa. Lord Delamere, a 
pioneer of colonization in that region, complained that it 
would be unjust to British taxpayers if land near the Uganda 
road, built with British money, were offered to foreigners, 
and his views were backed up by Lord Hindlip, who had 
just returned to London from East Africa. A further an- 
tagonist was the well-known publicist, Lucien Wolf, whose 
letter in The Times contained the usual arguments of the 
anti-Zionists against any Jewish settlement on a political 
foundation. The result of all this opposition was that the 


British Government appeared to become rather lukewarm. 
Lord Lansdowne told Greenberg, who had been instructed 
by Herzl to press for a charter, to advise his chief to send a 
representative to Sir Charles Eliot, the Commissioner for 
the British East Africa Protectorate, to ascertain his views. 
Herzl replied that he would prefer to go back to the Sinai 
Peninsula scheme rather than consider East Africa, where- 
upon both Greenberg and Colonel Goldsmid wrote to him 
that Lord Cromer absolutely refused to reconsider the ques- 
tion of the Sinai Peninsula and that his indecision between 
the two plans would make an unfavorable impression upon 
the British Government. An inquiry that he had addressed 
to the Jewish Colonization Association, to ascertain whether 
they would contribute to the costs of the expedition to 
East Africa, brought a negative reply on the ground that 
the project was of a political character. 

Meanwhile, the most determined opposition was develop- 
ing among the Zionists in Russia. The principal and most 
energetic combatant was Menahem Ussishkin (1863-1941), a 
leading member of the Odessa Committee of the Hovevei 
Zion and a domineering personality, who was absent from 
the Sixth Congress, as he had gone to Palestine to buy land 
for the Geulah Society. He seized the opportunity of his 
visit to convene at Zichron Jacob a gathering of seventy dele- 
gates from all parts of the country, which was given the 
grandiose title of "Jewish Congress" and was intended to 
meet every year; but it did not meet again. Better fortune 
favored the conference of sixty teachers of Jewish schools, 
whom he also assembled at Zichron Jacob at the same time, 
as they formed a union that remained permanent. A tele- 


gram of fraternal greeting was sent from the "Jewish Con- 
gress" to the Congress at Basle, and Herzl replied in terms 
plainly suggesting that the delegates at Zichron Jacob should 
exchange their isolation for affiliation to the Zionist Organi- 
zation. As soon as Ussishkin returned to Odessa, on October 
4, he expressed his views on the situation in Palestine in 
an optimistic interview, which was published in Die Welt. 
Had he contented himself with that utterance alone, Herzl 
would not have been driven into a state of embitterment^ 
although he very strongly disapproved of the piecemeal pur- 
chase of land in Palestine without any sort of political guar- 
antee. But Ussishkin launched a vehement campaign against 
East Africa. 

Without previously informing Herzl of his intentions, 
Ussishkin published an "open letter" in the Zionist press, 
which he addressed "to the delegates at the Sixth Zionist 
Congress." In it he declared that he accepted election on the 
"Great Actions Committee," but he did not regard the res- 
olution for the dispatch of a commission to East Africa as 
binding upon him, as he considered it a deviation from the 
Basle Program, and he would do everything possible to 
prevent it from being carried out. This rebellious pro- 
nouncement reached Herzl while he was still at Alt Aussee, 
where his wife was seriously ill. His mood of personal anx- 
iety, combined with his resentment at the challenge to his 
authority, provoked him to a strong rejoinder, which he 
published, together with Ussishkin's letter, in the same issue 
of Die Welt (October 30). He censured Ussishkin for his 
breach of discipline in declaring war upon a Congress res- 
olution, accused him of imperiling the position of the Jews 
in Palestine by the Congress he had convened, and criticized 
his method of buying land. After leaving Alt Aussee for 
Edlach, he intended publishing "A Letter to the Jewish 


People," with a view to reconciling his opponents, but im- 
mediately dropped the idea on hearing of the conference 
that had been held at Kharkov (in October). 

This conference, which had been convened by Ussishkin, 
Bernstein-Kohan, Tiomkin, and Victor Jacobson, adopted an 
ultimatum that was to be delivered to the leader, demanding 
that he should alter his method of administration and com- 
pletely abandon the East Africa project. It required that he 
should give up his authoritarian way of handling affairs, that 
he should submit every serious question to the "Great Ac- 
tions Committee" a month before it met, and that the 
Vienna Executive should be responsible not to the Congress 
but to the "Great Actions Committee." The ultimatum also 
demanded from Herzl a promise in writing that he would 
entirely give up the East Africa project and that he would 
not submit to the Congress any project other than one re- 
lating to Palestine or Syria. The conference decided that it 
would carry on propaganda all over the world in support 
of its opposition, and that, if Herzl rejected the ultimatum, 
the shekel (annual membership contribution) should no 
longer be sent to Vienna but retained in Russia. Its decisions 
were by no means unanimous, as Professor Mandelstamm, 
Dr. Jasinowski, and others voted against them. But as soon 
as they became known, there was an outburst of protests 
from the followers of Herzl, both in Russia and in other 
parts of the world, who accused Ussishkin and his comrades 
of treason to the movement, disloyalty to a Congress resolu- 
tion, and ingratitude to their leader. The conflict grew in 
vehemence and found reverberations in all Zionist societies 
and all Jewish papers throughout the world. 


Undeterred by this turmoil, Herzl continued to press for 
Russian intervention in Constantinople and, at the same 
time, pursued his negotiations with the British Foreign 
Office through Greenberg. He received a letter from Plehve 
(on October 24), inquiring what had been the attitude of 
the Russian delegates at the Congress, to which he replied 
that it had been unexceptionable. He took the opportunity 
of suggesting that Plehve should invite him to St. Peters- 
burg and present him to the Tsar, and stated that after this 
audience, of which the Sultan should be notified, he would 
go to Constantinople to negotiate. At last his efforts appeared 
to be meeting with some success, for on December 5 he re- 
ceived a letter from Madame von Korwin-Piatrowska, stating 
that Plehve had requested her to inform Herzl that the 
Russian Ambassador in Constantinople would intervene in 
the Zionist cause in a few days. But Herzl was not satisfied. 
He wrote again to Plehve to thank him for the instructions 
that had been sent to the Ambassador, but expressed the 
view that the latter's action would remain unknown and 
would simply be added to the archives of the Sublime Porte, 
"to join documents of other fruitless interventions." The 
only effective way in which anything could be achieved, he 
maintained, would be for the Tsar to send a letter to the 
Sultan or to grant Herzl an audience, of which a report 
should be published. 

On the following day (December 12), he wrote to Izzet 
Bey, reminding him of the proposal that Herzl had made in 
his letter of February 16, 1903, to the Sultan and the Grand 
Vizier. He was glad to inform him that, with the help of 
friends, he had succeeded in removing the difficulties in the 


sphere of foreign relations that had prevented the Ottoman 
Government from considering his proposal, which he now 
repeated— to create a new source of finance for the Ottoman 
treasury that could form the basis of a loan. He mentioned 
that a land had been offered them by the British Govern- 
ment, but the Jews preferred to return to the home of their 

Thinking that the Sultan might still hesitate, even if the 
Russian Ambassador approached him, Herzl wrote to the 
Grand Duke of Baden (on December 14), urging that 
the German Ambassador (von Marschall) should add his in- 
fluence by taking action simultaneously. He also wrote to 
the Austrian Foreign Minister, Count Goluchowski, for an 
interview, with a view to securing his cooperation; and as 
he happened to meet the Turkish Military Attache, General 
Shiikri Pasha, the son of the Turkish War Minister, he asked 
him to inform his father that no opposition need now be 
feared from Russia to a Jewish settlement in Palestine. Herzl 
was now more optimistic than ever before as regards the out- 
look in Constantinople, as, in addition to the definite prom- 
ise from Russia and the expected support of France, 
Britain, Germany, and Austria, he was informed by Dr. 
Margulies, the Chief Rabbi of Florence, that the King of 
Italy would be glad to see him whenever he wished. He there- 
fore wrote (on December 26) to Zinoviev, the Russian Privy 
Councillor in Constantinople, to inquire whether he had 
made the agreed demarche at the Sublime Porte, and, 
if so, with what result. 

He also wrote to Plehve (on December 27), to thank him 
for having received Dr. Katzenelsohn; gave the names of 
seven leading Zionists in Russia who would form the board 
for the proposed Russian branch of the Jewish Colonial 
Trust (which was to organize emigration); and explained that 


he had not yet gone to Constantinople because he had not 
received an invitation from there. He concluded by men- 
tioning that he had heard a rumor that there would be a fresh 
massacre at Kishineff on the Russian Christmas. He regarded 
this as "an abominable invention," but he thought it his 
duty to warn Plehve of it. After all his indefatigable en- 
deavors to secure a successful result in the Ottoman capital, 
his disappointment was all the more painful when he heard 
from a confidential representative that the Russian Ambassa- 
dor had not done anything and had said that it would not be 
easy to do anything. He thereupon wrote again (on January 
4, 1904) to Plehve, stressing how right he had been in the 
view that he had previously expressed, that the only action 
in regard to the Sublime Porte that could have a prospect 
of success was one of an extraordinary character. 


Throughout the months of anxious thought and diplo- 
matic effort that Herzl devoted to obtaining the united inter- 
vention of leading European Powers in Constantinople, he 
continued in constant communication with Greenberg, his 
representative in London. The zeal and energy that he dis- 
played in trying to secure the goodwill of the Sultan could 
leave no doubt about his loyalty to the Basle Program and 
his attachment to Palestine, but, at the same time, he wished 
to derive whatever political benefit he could from continued 
relations with the British Government. When Greenberg: 
was in Vienna on December 5, 1903, he confirmed that the 
region in East Africa originally proposed did not contain 
as much suitable land as had been previously believed, and 
that Sir Clement Hill now proposed the Tanaland district, 
which was large enough but unsuitable for white settlement. 


Herzl and his colleagues on the Executive had the feeling 
that the British Government wanted to withdraw the East 
Africa offer. They therefore instructed Greenberg to repeat 
the suggestion made to him in October— to ask for El Arish 
again, and, if the Government refused, to ask for more suit- 
able territory in East Africa. Shortly after Greenberg was 
back in London, he wrote to Herzl, advising him to write 
a letter to Sir Francis Montefiore (who was President of the 
English Zionist Federation), announcing that he had aban- 
doned the East Africa project, and suggesting that the letter 
be published. Herzl declined to write such a letter: he main- 
tained that the Foreign Office should either withdraw its 
offer or substitute some other territory. 

Suddenly, a sensational incident occurred in Paris, on 
December 19, that showed to what extreme violence passions 
had been aroused by the controversy about East Africa. At 
a Hanukkah "^ ball held by a Zionist society, a Russian Jewish 
student, Chaim Louban, who was mentally unbalanced, 
pulled out a revolver and fired two shots at Dr. Nordau with 
the cry: "Death to Nordau, the East African!" Fortunately, 
both bullets missed their intended victim, though one of 
them hurt an onlooker. Nordau remained outwardly calm 
and unmoved, but he gave expression to his indignation in 
a letter to Herzl, in which he wrote that he had now been 
repaid in part for his services to the Jewish people. His 
selection as a scapegoat in the bitter dispute was all the more 
tragically ironical, as he had never been in favor of the Brit- 
ish offer: at the Congress, he had advocated the sending of 
a Commission of Inquiry solely because Herzl had begged 
him to do so, and, in recent weeks, he had joined with other 
leading Zionists in urging him to drop the idea. The attempt 

7 "Feast of Dedication," in commemoration of the victory of the Macca- 
bees over Antiochus of Syria. 


on Nordau's life naturally aroused widespread consternation 
and gave further impetus to the controversy. A leading article 
in Die Welt said that, although the revolver had been fired 
by a demented individual, those who were morally respon- 
sible must be sought elsewhere. The wordy battle raged 
throughout the Zionist press, and the organizers of the 
Kharkov conference and their supporters were stigmatized 
by the "Yes sayers" as "conspirators" and "destroyers of 
unity," and were called upon to resign. 

Unable any longer to resist the increasing pressure to 
which he had been subjected, Herzl, after an exchange of 
letters and telegrams with Greenberg, decided upon a way 
out. He published in Die Welt (on December 25), not the 
proposed letter to Montefiore, but a speech delivered by 
Greenberg containing the gist of the letter, as the speaker's 
own view, advising the abandonment of the project. At the 
same time, Herzl sent out a confidential circular (on Decem- 
ber 27) to all members of the "Great Actions Committee," 
notifying them that the British offer was no longer under 
consideration. His perplexity and his difficulty in coming 
to a decision are revealed in a letter to Joseph Cowen, in 
which he wnrote (on December 31): 

You must never forget how terribly difficult my position is. 
I won't give way to the threats of the Kharkov people, but the 
Congress loyalists can seriously reproach me if I keep back such 
important news for weeks. From Greenberg I have no sufficient 
information. I literally don't know where we now stand, and yet 
am pressed from all sides to form decisions. Four days ago 
Greenberg was with Chamberlain in Birmingham and tele- 
graphed to me: "Interview very satisfactory." Nothing else. How 
can I decide upon that? What Greenberg finds "very satisfactory" 
I may perhaps find otherwise. 

It would naturally be good if I had the central office in 


London. But that could only be if I had my living there. That 
I should allow myself to be maintained by our movement, in 
whatever way, is the most ridiculous idea. In the first place I 
have not the character necessary for this. Secondly, if I had the 
character, may God graciously protect and preserve me from it. 

Such was the state of mind of the Zionist leader when, 
on the last day of the year 1903, there arrived in Vienna the 
delegation appointed by the Kharkov conference to present 
the ultimatum. It consisted of Professor Belkowsky, a lawyer, 
Simon Rosenbaum, and the engineer Tiomkin. Herzl im- 
mediately gave them to understand that he would not re- 
ceive them as a delegation, since the Russian members of 
the "Great Actions Committee" did not form a constitu- 
tionally recognized body. He also told them quite bluntly 
that he was not receiving any ultimatum. The members of 
the delegation, having conceded these two important points, 
were admitted in their individual capacities to a meeting 
of the Executive. But they might just as well have stayed at 
home, for they achieved nothing and returned to Russia. 

The East African question, however, was by no means dis- 
posed of, despite Herzl's confidential circular. It was to 
continue to trouble him until his death and also to torment 
the Zionist world after that, until the next Congress, when 
many supporters of the project, under the leadership of Israel 
Zangwil), founded the Jewish Territorial Organization, to 
establish an autonomous settlement in any part of the world.^ 

8 The Jewish Territorial Organization (commonly called "I.T.O.") was 
founded in Basle in July, 1905. It carried out investigations in Cyrenaica 
and Angola with negative results, regulated part of the Jewish immigra- 
tion into the United States via Galveston, and was formally dissolved in 1925. 


The Closing Phase 


be persuaded to influence the Sultan, Herzl, in the latter 
part of January, 1904, set out for Rome. He was to have an 
interview with the King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel III, 
which had been arranged by the Chief Rabbi of Florence, 
and hoped to be granted an audience by the Pope, Leo XIII, 
He went to Venice first, for a day's rest, and it was fortunate 
that he did so, as he made the acquaintance there, in an 
Austrian restaurant, of a painter named Count Lippay (who 
had received his title from the Pope). The Count, who knew 
Herzl by repute and was unaware of his destination, joined 
him at his table and, in the course of conversation, suggested 
that he should m on to Rome, where he would introduce 
him to the Pope, with whom he was very friendly. The offer 
was gladly accepted. 

Herzl was in Rome on January 22, at the Hotel Quirinal, 
from where Count Lippay drove with him to the Vatican 
and introduced him to the State Secretary, Cardinal Merry 
del Val. Herzl (in his Diary) described the Cardinal as a 
tall, slim, aristocratic figure of thirty-eight, with serious 
brown eyes and a tinge of gray hair at his temples. When the 
Zionist leader explained that he wished to have a statement 
from the Vatican in favor of his cause, the Cardinal said: 

"I do not quite see how we should take an initiative in 
this matter. As long as Jews deny the divinity of Christ we 
surely cannot make a declaration in their favor. How could 


we, without abandoning our own highest principles, declare 
that we are in favor of their recovering possession of the 
Holy Land?" 

Herzl replied: "We only want the profane earth: the Holy 
Places should be extraterritorialized." 

"That will not do," said the Cardinal, "to imao^ine them 
in an enclave." He went on to state that the College of 
Cardinals had never yet occupied themselves with the ques- 
tion. They knew from the papers that such a movement 
existed, but the College as such could not concern themselves 
with it thoroughly unless they had an expose before them. 
In order that they should declare themselves in favor of the 
Jewish people, it was necessary that it should be converted. 
The Cardinal again remarked that the Vatican could not 
take the initiative, whereupon Herzl replied that this would 
be taken by one of the Great Powers, and showed him 
Plehve's last letter. The conversation ended with a promise 
by the Cardinal to ask the Pope to grant Herzl an audience. 

The following morning, Herzl was given a very friendly 
reception by the King, who told him that in Italy no dis- 
tinctions were made between Jews and Christians, and that 
Jews could hold any office in the Government service. Herzl 
related the difficulties that he had encountered in Constan- 
tinople and produced the letters of Plehve and the Grand 
Duke of Baden to show him what stage his efforts had 
reached and to solicit his personal intervention with the 
Sultan. The King assured him of his warmest sympathy, told 
him that he had been to Palestine and seen Jews praying 
and weeping at the Western Wall in Jerusalem, and ex- 
pressed the conviction that the country must ultimately come 
into Jewish possession, "It is only a question of time," he 
said. But when Herzl asked him to address a letter to the 
Sultan, he replied: "I should be glad to do it, but I cannot 


do what I want. I must first of all seek advice. Speak to 
Tittoni, the Foreign Minister, also. I see him this evenins: 
and shall prepare him for your visit. I promise you only 
my goodwill, not my action." Herzl mentioned that he had 
depicted Jewish life in Palestine as it would be in the future, 
in his romance Altneuland, whereupon the King said that he 
would like to have a copy. 

Two days later (on January 25), Herzl had an audience 
with the Pope. The latter received him standing and held 
his hand out to him, but Herzl did not kiss it. He knew that 
everybody who was granted an audience by the Pope was 
expected to kneel and to kiss his hand. He had worried over 
this matter and was quite relieved when the greeting was 
over, but believed that he had prejudiced his case by not 
conforming to custoin. After he had explained what he 
wanted, the Pope replied severely and firmly: 

"We cannot favor this movement. We shall not be able to 
prevent the Jews from going to Jerusalem, but we can never 
favor it. The land of Jerusalem was not always holy: it was 
sanctified by the life of Jesus Christ. As head of the Church 
I cannot say otherwise. The Jews have not recognized our 
Lord, that is why we cannot recognize the Jewish people." 

When Herzl suggested the extraterritorialization of the 
Holy Places and referred to the existing position, the Pope 
said: "I know that it is not pleasant that the Turks possess 
our Holy Places. We must put up with that. But to show 
favor to the Jews in acquiring the Holy Places, that we 
cannot do." 

Herzl urged that religious questions should be left out 
of account and consideration be given only to the Jewish 
distress, whereupon the Pope said: "Yes, but we, I, as head of 
the Church, cannot do so. Two alternatives are possible. 


Either the Jews keep to their faith and still await the Mes- 
siah, who for us has already come. Then they deny the 
divinity of Jesus and we cannot help them. Or they go there 
without any religion, then we certainly cannot be on their 

During the conversation, Count Lippay entered, knelt, and 
kissed the Pope's hand. He described his "wonderful" meet- 
ing with Herzl in Venice and said that the wonder consisted 
of the fact that he had originally intended spending the 
night in Padua. The Pope commented that he was pleased 
that the Count had introduced him, but, so far as the ques- 
tion under discussion was concerned, he repeated "Non 

Herzl also had a talk with the Italian Foreim Minister, 
Tittoni. It was short but satisfactory, for the latter had been 
prepared by the King and declared that he would do every- 
thing possible. He promised to write to the Italian Am- 
bassador in Constantinople that he should act in conjunction 
with the Russian Ambassador, but pointed out that the King 
could not risk making any personal intervention until it 
was certain that it would be acceptable. He asked Herzl for 
a memorandum on the question, and in the summary that 
Herzl wrote of all that he had so far achieved in the political 
field, he urged that the King should send a letter to the 
Sultan, advising him to give favorable consideration to the 
Zionist proposals. 


Meanwhile, Greenberg had been continuing his negotia- 
tions with the British Government. On January 27, while 
Herzl was still in Rome, he received a telegram from Green- 
berg announcing that he had obtained a Charter for East 


Africa. Herzl was back again in Vienna early in February, 
and found that Benedikt, in accordance with his usual policy 
concerning Zionism, had suppressed the dispatch sent by 
De Fiori, the Neue Freie Presse correspondent in Rome, 
stating that the Zionist leader had been received by the 
King and the Pope. Unfortunately, the hopes that Herzl had 
based upon the King's friendly attitude proved fruitless, as 
De Fiori sent him a wire with the disappointing message 
that the Kinsr could not intervene, owino; to the lack of the 
necessary preparations. 

A further telegram from Greenberg reached Herzl on 
February 9, intimating that the Government would probably 
collapse within the next few days and asking for authority 
to accept the offer of the Foreign Office, subject to approval 
of the terms of the Charter and to the report of the com- 
mission, and also for authority to say that arrangements 
would be made for the commission to start forthwith. Herzl 
wired back that Greenberg could accept the offer, subject to 
the stipulations made, and that he gave him this authoriza- 
tion only on condition that absolutely nothing about the 
matter would be published before the terms of the Charter 
were approved. Greenberg immediately replied that he had 
already informed the Foreign Office that the offer was ac- 
cepted. When the Executive met on February 10, Dr. Kahn 
and Oscar Marmorek agreed with Herzl that this offer was 
identical with the proposal that had been submitted to the 
Congress, except that the territory did not border on the 
railroad. Kremenezky and Kokesch, however, thought that 
the proposal was a new one. Herzl had no doubt whatever 
that he was right and had acted correctly in accepting the 
offer with the reservations that he had made, but he did not 
wish to have his hand forced by Greenberg and therefore 


wired to him not to engage in any further discussion with 
the Foreign Office for the present.^ 

His mind was again switched away from East Africa to Pal- 
estine when, on February 24, he received a visit from a stranger 
named Ali Nouri Bey, who proposed a most fantastic plan. 
He described himself as "ex-Consul General of Turkey," 
and said that he was born in Sweden, had lived in Turkey 
over twenty years, was a Moslem by religion and the husband 
of a "Turkish princess." The plan, which he explained to 
the Zionist leader quite calmly, as though there were nothing 
extraordinary about it, was that two cruisers should be 
obtained, which, with a force of one thousand men, should 
enter the Bosporus and bombard Yildiz Kiosk for the pur- 
pose of causing the Sultan to flee or to be captured. Another 
Sultan should then immediately be enthroned, after the 
previous creation of a provisional Government, which should 
grant the Zionists a Charter for Palestine. Ali Nouri esti- 
mated that the cost of this adventure would be about five 
hundred thousand pounds. Herzl immediately advanced 
several objections: he was against an enterprise that would 
entail murder and robbery, he was afraid that the Jews in 
Turkey would be exposed to massacre, the Zionist move- 
ment would be gravely discredited, and the "undertakers" 
of the expedition could not assume any legal obligation. 
After laying stress upon all these objections, Herzl apparently 
thought it unnecessary to mention that the Zionist treasury 
did not possess the means for so costly an enterprise. But Ali 
Nouri was not so easily discouraged. He came to see Herzl 
again a week later and suggested that the Khedive of Egypt, 
who was ambitious, might like to become the new Sultan. 

1 The territory offered and afterward investigated was the Guas Ngishu 
plateau in East Africa (not Uganda). 


Herzl promised to consider the plan, and several weeks later 
he wrote to Ali Nouri that he could not accept it. 

As he had received no reply jFrom Izzet Bey, to whom he 
had last written in the preceding December, he sent Dr. 
Kahn and David Levontin (the bank manager from Jaffa) 
to Constantinople to find out whether the Ottoman author- 
ities would agree to a plan for farming the administrative 
revenue of the Sandjak of Acre, in return for which the 
Zionist Organization would procure a loan for the Ottoman 
treasury. The mission proved fruitless. 

Such was the situation when, on April 1, Herzl convened 
a meeting of the "Great Actions Committee" in Vienna for 
the tenth of that month. He found it necessary to have such 
a meeting for various reasons. In the first place, he wished 
to bring to an end the bitter controversy over the East Africa 
offer that had been raging in the greater part of the Zionist 
world, especially in Russia, since the last Congress. He was 
anxious to conciliate his opponents and to make a further 
effort to convince them that he had never dreamed of de- 
parting from the Basle Program, and that he was as strongly 
attached to Zion as they were. Despite all his efforts to 
secure the help of the leading Powers of Europe to win over 
the sympathy of the Sultan, and despite all their protesta- 
tions of goodwill and their promises of intervention, the 
Ottoman Government remained obdurate. The prospect of 
achieving anything in Constantinople seemed as remote as 
ever. The only political success consisted of the British offer. 
It was therefore necessary to make the most of this, and the 
first step was to send out an Expedition of Inquiry, Herzl's 
friends in London were urging him to begin preparations 


to organize it and also to recall the confidential circular he 
had issued a few months previously, in which he had stated 
that the offer was no longer under consideration. The most 
difficult practical problem was to find the money to defray 
the costs of the expedition, since no Zionist funds of any 
kind might be used for the purpose.^ Whatever the outcome 
of the meeting, Herzl was sufficient of a realist not to expect 
that it would contribute towards the solution of that prob- 

He began his address at the meeting in a friendly tone, 
dismissing the unpleasant and unjust things that had been 
said about him as unworthy of further consideration, and 
stressing the cardinal importance of preserving the unity of 
the organization. After recalling the events at the Congress 
and subsequent developments, he said: 

My personal standpoint in this matter was and is, that we 
have no right simply to reject such a proposal, to fling it from 
the table, without asking the people whether they want it or 
not. I shall not describe this proposal by the much-disputed 
word "Night-Shelter," but rather say: "This is a piece of bread." 
I, who perhaps have a piece of cake to eat, have no right to 
refuse the piece of bread that is offered to the poor just because 
I don't want it or don't need it. I shall perhaps be delighted 
and enthusiastic, if despite distress and hunger, the answer given 
from ideal motives is: "No, we won't have this piece of bread." 
But I am obliged to put this question. That is my conviction, 
that it was and is our duty. 

In an outburst of self-revelation, he said: 

In this city of Vienna one day I tore myself loose from the 
whole of the circle in which I had lived, from all my friends 

2 The costs of the expedition, amounting to two thousand pounds, were 
provided by a Christian friend of the Zionist movement, the Hon. Mrs. E. A. 
Gordon (see the author's The Journal of a Jewish Traveller^ p. 153). 


and acquaintances, and, as a lonely man, devoted myself to 
that which I considered right. I don't feel the need of any major- 
ity. What I need is only that I shall be in harmony with my 
own conviction. Then I am content, even though no dog takes 
a piece of bread from me. 

What had incensed him most deeply was the belief that he 
had given up Palestine. He recalled that he had done every- 
thing in his power, in his closing speech in Basle, to reassure 
those who were anxious by quoting the traditional saying of 
their people, "If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, may my right 
hand forget its cunning." He again pointed out that the 
decision of the Congress was not to accept the British offer 
but to investigate the suitability of the territory offered. At 
the same time, he emphasized that the Executive had done 
all that they could as regards Palestine, and he reported on 
the latest futile mission of Kahn and Levontin. 

His speech was followed by a prolonged debate, which 
lasted two whole days and was punctuated by many a sharp 
exchange and bitter retort. In his reply, he again condemned 
the Kharkov conference, and declared that, when the report 
on the East Africa project came before the next Congress, 
he would not exercise any pressure in its favor. "I am 
stronger than you," he exclaimed, "that is why I am con- 
ciliatory; because I know that I shall win." Finally he said: 

Nobody could reproach me with having become unfaithful to 
Zionism if I would say: "I am going to Uganda." I introduced 
myself to you as the advocate of a Jewish State. I gave you my 
card with the words: "Herzl, advocate of a Jewish State." In 
the course of time I learned a great deal, I learned to know 
Jews. It was often a pleasure. I also learned to realize that the 
solution for us lies only in Palestine. ... If I say to you that I 
became a Zionist and remained one, and all my efforts are 
directed toward Palestine, you have every reason to believe me. 


In the end, the desire for reconciliation that existed on 
both sides prevailed. The resolution that was then adopted 
noted with satisfaction the continued labors of the Executive 
on behalf of Palestine, assumed that the Executive would 
concern itself with the task of dispatching an expedition to 
East Africa in the spirit of the resolution of the Sixth Con- 
gress, and that, as the British offer would not be decided 
upon until the next Congress, the question meanwhile re- 
mained open for free discussion. It was also agreed that all 
suggestions coming from the Russian members of the "Great 
Actions Committee" not connected with the East Africa 
project should be carefully considered by the Executive, and 
that there should be a cessation of personal attacks. The 
meeting also spent some time discussing practical Palestinian 
questions, and Herzl urged the establishment of a model 
cooperative settlement on the lines proposed by Franz Op- 
penheimer at the last Congress. After all the formal business 
had been disposed of. Dr. Tschlenow, the leader of the 
opposition, expressed perfect satisfaction with Herzl's decla- 
rations and moved a vote of confidence in the Executive. In 
closing the conference, after five days of heated debate, Herzl 
thanked the members in the name of the movement and 
hoped that when they met next he would be able to report 
gratifying progress. 


Little did he dream that that was the last meeting he 
would address, and that he had only another three months 
to live. His health, despite external appearances, had in 
recent years rarely been really satisfactory, and the frequent 
excitements, disappointments, and depressions to which he 
had been subjected told seriously upon his heart. Yet, heed- 
less of all disquieting symptoms, he plodded away— a slave 


to his conscience. On the day that the meeting of the "Great 
Actions Committee" began, he wrote a letter to the New 
York banker and philanthropist, Jacob H. Schiff, who was 
then on a visit to Frankfort, saying that he would like to 
have a talk with him on the question of Jewish emigration. 
He hoped to be able to meet him in Paris the following 
week, failing which he would see him early in May in 
London, at Lord Rothschild's, as he had heard that he would 
be there until May 10. But on April 29, he wrote to Roths- 
child that he intended going to London in June to discuss 
certain questions with the British Government. He informed 
him that he had planned to see Schiff in Paris or London, 
but was prevented from traveling by some important matters. 
He therefore asked Rothschild to secure Schiff's assent in 
principle to giving his active cooperation in the Jewish cause. 
He also received a letter from Schiff, stating that he was 
willing to help to the best of his ability, whereupon Herzl 
replied that, as he was unable to get away from Vienna for 
the present, he was sending his intimate friend. Dr. Kat- 
zenelsohn, to London, to have a confidential talk with him. 
On April 30, Herzl had a long interview with Count 
Goluchowski, the Austrian Foreign Minister, and was de- 
lighted to find that he was so sympathetic to Zionism. He 
showed him the last letter from the Grand Duke of Baden 
and Plehve's of the previous December, and Goluchowski 
was so astonished on seeing from the latter that Russia was 
in favor of a Jewish State that he also agreed at once. How- 
ever, he did not think that the Great Powers would take 
any step for the benefit of only one hundred thousand Jews: 
the Zionists should demand from Turkey sufficient land for 
the settlement of five or six million Jews. Thereupon Herzl 
asked him to place himself at the head of a joint action by 
the Powers, to which he replied: "Now is not the moment. 


We haven't yet finished with Macedonia. That must be 
settled first. We must also have a positive plan of execution." 
Goluchowski advised Herzl to secure the support of the 
Hungarian Prime Minister, Count Tisza, as he considered 
the cooperation of the Hungarian Government indispens- 
able. So enthusiastic was he about the Zionist cause that he 
even thought that all governments should assist it financially. 
Meanwhile, it was agreed that Herzl should seek the support 
of Hungary and try to persuade England to take the initia- 
tive, and the Count would be glad if he would look him 
up again later. 


Immediately after this interview, Herzl's state of health 
compelled him to consult medical specialists, who found an 
alarming deterioration in the condition of his heart. They 
ordered him to go to Franzensbad for six weeks' rest. "I had 
long felt tired," he wrote at the time, "but still went on." 
He left on May 3 and, as soon as he arrived at the hotel, he 
wrote to his wife that he was the only guest, as the season 
had not yet begun. On the next day, he wrote to his mother, 
whom he addressed "My dear good Mama," that it was a 
brilliant idea that he had come there to do something for 
his "tired nerves"; but, in reality, he was suffering from some- 
thing far more serious. He wrote to her almost every other 
day, describing the perfect peace and idleness that he was 
enjoying. He had joined the local lending library, but read 
nothing demanding any greater mental strain than a novel 
of Dickens. On May 8, he wrote: "I am relishing this in- 
describable monotony as another would savor pleasure. I 
want to take a rest for a while from Kings, Popes, Ministers, 
politics, and newspapers. I don't want to know of anything." 
Three days later, he wrote to her again: "You simply cannot 


form any idea of the depth and thoroughness of this monot- 
ony, but I feel quite well. It is really the first time for many 
years that I am getting to know a truly absolute and un- 
diluted recuperation. But this is what the worker needs. I 
am also looking quite well." 

These messages to his mother were doubtless written to 
dispel any anxiety on her part. But in the privacy of his 
Diary, he headed a copy of a letter that he wrote to Plehve 
on May 13 with the English words: "broken down." After 
Katzenelsohn had his talk with the American banker, Schiff, 
in London, he traveled to Franzensbad to report to Herzl. 
He told him that, at the wish of Lord Lansdowne and the 
British Government, Schiff was prepared to negotiate a loan 
for Russia if something were done for the Jews there. That 
was why Herzl thought it necessary to write a letter to the 
Russian Minister, suggesting that he should immediately 
grant Katzenelsohn an audience, in which Katzenelsohn 
could inform him of this important proposal. 

After they had had a preliminary talk, Herzl suggested 
to Katzenelsohn that they should take a short stroll to the 
park, and as they were going up the Kaiser Strasse, which 
had a gradual rise, Herzl had a sudden attack of heart- 
weakness and almost collapsed. Katzenelsohn looked round 
for somebody whom he could send to fetch a doctor, but the 
street was empty, as it was the beginning of the season. For- 
tunately, he was able to help Herzl to reach a bench, and 
the attack was soon over. Katzenelsohn remarked that it was 
probably due to their having walked up the street too 

"Nonsense," replied Herzl, "why should we deceive our- 
selves? With me it is after the third bell. I am no coward 
and face death very calmly, all the more as I have not spent 


the last years of my life quite uselessly. I wasn't altogether 
too bad a servant of the movement, don't you think?" 

"Quite so," was the reply, "but what makes you talk about 
the third bell?" 

Herzl looked at his friend very seriously and said: "This 
is no longer a time for jesting. It is bitterly grave." ^ 

They returned to the hotel and spent the whole evening 
discussing the results of Katzenelsohn's visit to London and 
Herzl's suggestions as to how to make the best use of them 
in St. Petersburg. At ten o'clock, they went to bed, as 
Katzenelsohn was to leave early on the following morning. 
That night a fire broke out in the Kurhaus, and it was 
burned down. Katzenelsohn was awakened by the noise, and 
noticing a light in Herzl's room, thought that he had also 
been aroused from his sleep. 

At half-past five, Herzl came to awaken his friend, as 
arranged, so that they could go to the fountain together. 
"With the same punctuality and the same seriousness with 
which I perform other tasks," he said, "I must also do my 
daily work here, and that is to replace my worn-out heart 
with another. That is why I must drink the waters and take 

In his hand Herzl held a thick manuscript, which he 
mutely handed over to Katzenelsohn. The latter examined it 
and saw that it was a carefully drafted memorandum for 

3 Herzl often meditated on his death and on the continuance of the move- 
ment after it. On one occasion (March 15, 1903), he said to his friend Adolf 
Friedemann: "If I have any merit, it is that I have arranged everything on 
an impersonal basis. If I were to die today, the machine would continue to 
work smoothly. Somebody will deliver a fine memorial oration on me, so 
and so many societies will record my name in the Golden Book. . . . All the 
members of the Executive are instructed, and if my successor does not enjoy 
the same authority, it is quite all right. He should learn to gain the people's 
trust." (Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, p. 83.) 


his visit to St. Petersburg. "For Heaven's sake, when did you 
write that?" he asked reproachfully. 

Herzl had sat at his desk all night and had not slept at 
all, and had been so absorbed in his work that he had not 
noticed the fire. 

Katzenelsohn looked at him reprovingly and said: "Is that 
how you want to get well? Is this to be a cure?" 

"Yes, my friend," was the reply. "You saw yesterday that 
'we' have no more time to lose. The last weeks or days . . . 
we are in a hurry." * 

Despite his doctors' orders, Herzl went on working. There 
were no meetings in Franzensbad to attend nor discussions 
to hold, but he continued writing letters. On May 14, he 
wrote to Count Lippay, who had told him in Rome that 
the Archduke Eugene was interested in the Zionist move- 
ment and would like to see him. He had heard that the 
Archduke was coming to Carlsbad shortly, and he would be 
glad if the Count would let him know that he was staying 
at Franzensbad for a cure until the beginning of June, and 
would go over to sec the Count whenever he wished. On the 
same day, he also wrote a letter to Suzzara, the official at the 
head of the Austrian Foreign Office, in which he outlined 
a plan, in technical detail, to demand from the Ottoman 
Government a region in Palestine and its vicinity sufficient 
for the settlement of five to six million Jews, and also sug- 
gested that he should inform the Austrian Ambassador in 
Constantinople (who was then in Vienna), and particularly 
Count Mensdorf, the Ambassador in London, who should be 
well prepared before having a talk on the matter with Lord 

On the next day, he wrote a short confidential note to 

4 The above account of Dr. Katzenelsohn's visit to Franzensbad is based 
upon his own record published in Die Welt of May 20, 1910. 


David Wolffsohn, advising him that he might perhaps "be 
called upon to undertake negotiations for a Russian loan in 
America," and concluding with the words: "Writing tires 
me." Yet, on the following day he wrote a longer letter to 
Schiff to thank him for the friendly reception that he had 
given to Katzenelsohn and to ask him not to disclose to the 
directors of the Jewish Colonization Association the informa- 
tion that had been imparted to him. That letter, dated May 
16, 1904, was the last entry in his Diary. He could continue 
no longer. 


The "cure" at Franzensbad had proved of no avail. Instead 
of becoming better he had become weaker. He therefore 
returned to Vienna for a brief rest, and on June 3, accom- 
panied by his wife and Kremenezky, he went to Edlach, in 
the Scmmering. Before leaving his home, he took a sheet 
of paper, on which he wrote in English: "In the midst of 
life there is death," and placed it on a little pile of cor- 
respondence on his writing-desk. He had a premonition that 
this was his last journey. When the doctors at the Edlacher 
Hof saw him, they regarded him as a dying man, but he 
astonished them by improving in the fresh mountain air, 
under the devoted care of his wife. He even began writing 
letters again, and a plan was discussed to take him to the 
health resort of Blankensee, near Hamburg, to try a new 
cure. But, unfortunately, the plan remained stillborn, as he 
took a turn for the worse and had a violent fit of couching. 

On July 1, the doctors diagnosed bronchial catarrh, and 
this developed into pneumonia. He was conscious of his 
condition and remarked to his zealous Christian follower, 
Hechler, who was allowed to visit him: "Greet Palestine for 
me. I have given my blood for my people." He demanded 


impatiently that his younger children (the eldest was already 
with him) and his mother, who, at his special wish, had not 
been told that he was dangerously ill, should be brought 
immediately to see him. 

By Sunday morning, July 3, there were signs of incipient 
collapse, and he begged the doctors to keep him alive until 
their arrival. Despite his pains and increasing shortness of 
breath, he maintained an appearance of good cheer. And 
when, at last, his mother entered the room, he raised himself 
with his ebbing energies and, sitting erect, said: "It's nice. 
Mother dear, that you are here now. You look well. I don't 
look so well but shall soon be better." After kissing his 
mother and children, he asked them to leave the room and 
sank back exhausted. His wife remained with him, as well 
as his friends Marmorek and Kremenezky. 

In the afternoon, he was a little better, and his mother 
came in to see him again. But at five o'clock, when Dr. 
Sigmund Werner had his back turned for a moment while 
preparing an injection, he heard a deep sigh. He looked 
round quickly and saw the head sink on the breast. It was all 
over. Herzl's mother threw herself on the bed and clung to 
the dead man, and his wife, distracted, called to the doctors: 
"He's only in a swoon. Attend to my husband, save him!" 
They took her away gently, promising that they would try 
to revive him. They knew that it would be useless. Dr. 
Werner closed his eyes. 

The news of Herzl's death struck the Jewish world like a 
thunderbolt, for only a few had known that he was so 
desperately ill. Soon there began a flood of telegrams of 
sympathy in hundreds, not only from individual Zionists 
and societies, but also from Jewish communities and organi- 
zations in all parts of the world. They poured not only into 
Herzl's home but also into the offices of the Zionist Execu- 


tive and Die Welt. They also poured into the office of the 
Neue Freie Presse, which published columns of messages of 
sympathy from other Austrian and German papers, as well 
as from official bodies and personalities, and from authors 
and journalists. In its issue of July 4, the Neue Freie Presse 
printed as a feuilleton on its front page a laudatory ap- 
preciation of Theodor Herzl, not as the Zionist leader but 
as a member of its staff, as its former correspondent in Paris, 
and as the writer of entertaining feuilletons that had made 
him one of the leading writers of Austria and Germany. 
On another page, it printed an obituary two-thirds of a 
column in length, in which reference was made to his dis- 
tinguished journalistic career and to several of his plays, 
but only a few lines were devoted to a scanty account of his 
activity as the founder of the Zionist movement and Presi- 
dent of the Zionist Organization. 

The passing of Herzl was mourned by the entire Jewish 
press, not only by Zionist papers but also by non-Zionist ones, 
which had formerly criticized or attacked him but which 
now acknowledged the greatness of the man who had aroused 
the conscience of the world to the existence of the Jewish 
problem and earned the esteem of the heads of governments 
in his undaunted attempt to deal with it. Deputations from 
Zionist bodies in almost all the countries of Europe hastened 
to Vienna to attend the funeral, which took place on July 7. 
It was very simple in character, in accordance with the wishes 
of the dead leader, the plain coffin being covered with the 
blue and white Zionist flag which had first been displayed 
at the First Zionist Congress. But what the funeral lacked in 
grandiose trappings and floral wreaths was more than sur- 
passed in the impressiveness of the vast, sorrowing concourse 
which followed on foot the hearse drawn by two slowly 


Stepping horses, from the house in the Haizinger Gasse to 
the Doeblinger Cemetery. 

It was a spectacle such as had never been seen before at 
any funeral in Vienna, a grief-stricken multitude numbering 
over five thousand, not only of Zionists and of delegations 
of Jewish communities of many countries, but also of au- 
thors, journalists, playwrights, and political representatives 
who wished to pay their last respects to an honored colleague 
and a Jewish statesman. And when the body of Theodor 
Herzl was lowered into the grave beside that of his father, 
there were hundreds who sobbed as though they had lost 
their own father. Nor did many eyes remain dry at the 
memorial gatherings that were held in synagogues and halls 
in thousands of Jewish communities throughout the world. 

Among the papers in his desk was found a doubly sealed 
envelope with the superscription: "Property of Herr D. 
Wolffsohn." When the outer envelope was opened, it was 
found that the superscription on the inner one read: "Last 
Will of Dr. Herzl, dated Nov. 8, 1901, to be opened only 
after my death.— H." The document itself was as follows: 

Dear Friend Wolffsohn, 

The foreboding steals over me repeatedly that I shall not live 
long. I have taxed my nerves with too many excitements, 
struggles, and undertakings. One day my end will come sud- 
denly. This thought has no terror for me. I am prepared for 
it at any moment. 

Only one thing depresses me when the thought of my death 
occurs to me. This is the material future of my children. I have 
for years made too many financial sacrifices for our idea and 
given too little thought to my children. For myself, as you well 
know, I never expected from the Jewish people a reward or 
thanks for my services. But I believe that a compensation is 


due to my children. They have come off too badly owing to my 
activity for the Jewish people. Not only have I spent a fortune 
for our Zionist cause but also neglected at the same time to put 
something by for my children. 

I entrust it to you as a sacred injunction, that, immediately 
after my death, when I am still fresh in the memory of the Jews, 
for whom I labored, you should initiate a general national gift 
under the title: "National Gift for the Children of Dr. Herzl." 
The proceeds of this collection shall be handed over to my 
children in equal shares when they come of age. 

Until they are of age they shall enjoy the interest that will 
accrue. Should all my children die before they reach their 
majority, their property shall go to the National Fund. 

[Should one or another of my children die, then the estate 
shall belong only to my surviving children, but in no case to 
the relatives on the side of my wife nee Naschauer.^ For this 
family was without exception anti-Zionistic, and it would be the 
greatest injustice if any part of this money fell to them.] 

The preceding paragraph in brackets must naturally not be 
published. But a skillful writer should draft the Appeal for 
the National Gift for my children. 

How this money shall be invested securely, you should decide 
with some of our best fellow Zionists and the executors of my 
will, especially with my father, if he survives me. 

Take this friendly duty, which I hereby impose upon you, 

I reckon upon you remaining faithful to me beyond the grave. 
I have always considered you as my most loyal friend. Farewell, 
Dade! ' And don't forget me! 

Your Theodor Herzl 

5 Herzl's wife died in 1907 and was cremated. His daughter Pauline died 
unmarried in 1930 in Bordeaux, and soon after her funeral his son Hans com- 
mitted suicide. Herzl's other daughter Trude died in a Nazi camp, and her 
only son Stephen fell from a high building in Washington in 1945 and was 

6 Herzl's pet name for David Wolffsohn. 




with his death at the early age of forty-four. It enters upon a 
new phase, for he has attained immortality. This expression 
is not used as the conventional compliment often paid to a 
great man, but is the tribute or the attribute due to one 
who has accomplished an achievement that must be admitted 
to be unique. For he was the spiritual founder of a State 
that came into being forty-four years after he had passed 
away, and without his labors it would not have come into ex- 
istence. So invincible was the movement that he initiated, so 
dynamic the inspiration that he infused into his followers, 
that the Zionist Organization continued to develop and 
expand, despite attacks from without and crises within, until 
it secured the promise of the British Government in the 
First World War to facilitate the establishment in Palestine 
of a national home for the Jewish people, and then, after 
a laborious and often desperate struggle of thirty years, won 
the assent of the United Nations in 1947 to found a Jewish 
State. There was, of course, a multitude of factors of varied 
importance— personal, political, and finally military— that 
contributed to the eventual consummation of a two-thou- 
sand-year-old ideal. There was a succession of devoted leaders 
who, in their different ways and to the fullest extent of their 
capacities and opportunities, strove to reach the goal that he 
had set up. But without the organization that he had created 
and the institutions that he had planned— the Zionist Con- 


gress, the Jewish Colonial Trust, the Jewish National Fund 
—without the fundamental transformation he had wrought 
in Jewish life and thought, and without the acceptance of 
the principle that the Jews are a nation which he had gained 
from mighty governments, there would be no State of Israel 

The idea of the resettlement of the Jews as a nation in 
their ancestral land was not conceived by Herzl. It was an 
ancient hope enshrined in the Jewish prayer book and 
uttered and reiterated throughout the centuries, perhaps 
perfunctorily by Jews living in lands of liberty, but certainly 
with fervor and longing by communities suffering in regions 
of oppression. It was not from that religious tradition that 
he derived his first impulse to undertake his mission, though 
he afterward realized that it was the cardinal faith of mil- 
lions of his fellow Jews. In his case, it was personal ex- 
perience and prolonged reflection that convinced him of the 
intolerable position of the Jewish people without a land; 
but his conviction was reinforced through contact with those 
to whom the idea was basically religious and even Messianic. 
Nor was he the first in modem times to advocate that the 
idea should be transmuted into a living and pulsating reality. 

Christians as well as Jews had proclaimed it as both just in 
conception and possible of execution, but no one took the 
steps necessary for so difficult and intractable an enterprise. 
Four of Herzl's forerunners in particular, in the latter half 
of the nineteenth century, Moses Hess, Hirsch Kalischer, 
Perez Smolenskin, and Leon Pinsker, had expounded the 
principle of Jewish nationalism and urged the necessity of 
its embodiment in political form. The first was a rebel spirit 
and Socialist pioneer, born in the Rhineland, whose Rome 
and Jerusalem, published in 1860, aroused some critical at- 
tention but had no practical effect, though now deemed a 


Zionist classic. The second was an orthodox Rabbi in East 
Prussia, who, despite his enthusiasm and activity, achieved 
nothing more lasting than the establishment of an agricul- 
tural school near Jaffa, in 1870, by the Alliance Israelite 
Universelle of Paris. The third was a Hebrew novelist and 
journalist, an opponent both of orthodoxy and assimilation, 
whose cogent exposition of Jewish nationalism made a pro- 
found impression upon his fellow Jews in Russia but who 
died too early to attempt anything practical. And the fourth 
was an Odessa physician, whose brochure Auto-Emancipa- 
tion, written in lapidary style and published in 1882, stim- 
ulated the Jews in Eastern Europe to form societies of 
"Lovers of Zion," whose methods and means were utterly 
inadequate to their grand objective. 

Herzl was the first to perceive that only by setting up a 
representative and worldwide Jewish organization, which 
would transfer and elevate the discussion of the Jewish 
problem from the obscurity of petty societies to a forum 
commanding universal publicity, and only by adopting the 
diplomatic methods of the political world would the interest 
and attention of powerful governments, necessary for the 
solution of the problem, be aroused. He was the first Jewish 
statesman wholly dedicated to the cause of his people, re- 
ceived in audience and in a befitting manner by Kaiser and 
King, by Sultan and Pope, by Grand Vizier and Imperial 
Chancellor, and by the Cabinet Ministers of leading States, 
as the spokesman of his people. And if he did not live to see 
the fruition of his efforts, it was partly because he was cut 
down in the prime of his manhood by overtaxing his strength 
and partly because the international situation in his time 
was unfavorable to his purpose. Important and indispensable 
as were the labors of his distinguished followers, especially 
of Chaim Weizmann and David Ben-Gurion, it must be 


remembered that they were followers, not initiators, who 
built on the firm foundations that he had laid and benefited 
by the organization and the inspiration that he had left 
behind and the vision that he had conjured up so con- 
vincingly. Nor was the establishment of the State of Israel 
the result solely of their personal efforts, invaluable and 
formidable though they were, for extraneous and cataclysmic 
forces played an essential part. Without the First World 
War, there would have been no Balfour Declaration, with- 
out the Second, there would have been no State. And with- 
out the movement founded by Herzl, there would have been 

How did it come about that Herzl succeeded in creating a 
movement strong enough to survive his premature death and 
to achieve the amazing fulfillment that he foretold, with 
such uncanny accuracy, fifty years before its advent? It could 
only have been because he possessed a personality of ex- 
ceptional physical and intellectual qualities. It is necessary 
to emphasize the physical aspect, because it was an outstand- 
ing element in the influence that he exercised. Nobody who 
ever saw him, as I did on several occasions, failed to be 
impressed by his distinguished presence, his dignified de- 
meanor, his sheer physical beauty: tall, broad-shouldered, 
with the long, black, square-cut beard of an Assyrian Em- 
peror, and bold dark eyes radiating below a thinker's lofty 
brow crowned with a wealth of black hair. His courtly 
bearing and natural dignity were attributed by some to his 
supposed Sephardi ancestry. He looked a born leader, and 
it was his noble and towering figure, with his sonorous yet 
sympathetic voice, that enabled him to capture the hearts of 


the Jewish people, to whom he came as a stranger from an 
un-Jewish world. 

When Baroness Bertha von Suttner, the recipient of the 
Nobel Peace Prize (in 1905), was asked after his death to 
pay him a brief tribute, she wrote: "I wish to speak of his 
beauty. He was like an Assyrian monarch, and at the same 
time also a modem gentleman. Of his work (a gigantic work: 
nothing less than the foundations of a State), of the sparkling 
gems of his mind which his pen strewed lavishly, much 
will be told in this miscellany: ^ but perhaps one has forgot- 
ten to mention his external beauty (as though that were 
unworthy of note beside his other gifts). But it belonged 
to the harmony of this harmonious human figure, whose 
soul was also entirely beauty. And indeed of the same type 
as that of his appearance: pride and refinement." It was 
inevitable that the Sultan of Turkey, who used rouge and 
dye to improve his own unprepossessing features, should have 
been struck by Herzl's commanding and noble figure. To 
Vambery, who introduced the Zionist leader to him, the 
Sultan said: "This Herzl looks exactly like a prophet, like 
a leader of his people. He has very clever eyes, and speaks 
prudently and clearly." ^ And David Wolffsohn related that 
Ibrahim Bey, the Chief Master of Ceremonies at Yildiz 
Kiosk, told him that the Sultan had spoken admiringly of 
the Zionist leader and had said: "That is how Jesus Christ 
must have looked." ^ 

The most eloquent description of Herzl's appearance came 
from the pen of an artist, Hermann Struck, whose pro- 
fession made him most critical. He wrote: 

1 Ost und West, Herzl Number, August, 1904. 

2 Die Welt, May 20, 1910. 

3 Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, p. 69. 


Whatever I have to say of Herzl, the unforgettable, I have 
tried to put into the several portraits which I have made of the 
physical man. I know that my attempts have fallen short, for 
our leader was a man of superhuman beauty. And I confess 
freely that it was this divine gift of beauty which left the 
deepest and most enduring impress on my mind. 

The towering figure, informed by a marvelous harmonious- 
ness . . . represented an ideal type. But I cannot believe that 
such amazing beauty was purely physical. The princes before 
whom Herzl appeared paid him involuntary homage, for they 
knew instinctively that here was an uncrowned King. If there 
is such a thing as kingliness of mien and bearing, Herzl possessed 
it— and in a higher degree, I think, than Wilhelm II, or Edward 
VII, or Alfonso of Spain. This indescribable nobility of bearing, 
which was accompanied by that gentle condescension that is the 
trait of princes, cast a spell over those who came within range 
of his voice.* 

Another artist, Lionel S. Reiss,^ wrote of "the appeal of 
Theodor Herzl, the physical man, to the artist, the delight 
and inspiration awakened by his appearance," as evidenced 
in the numerous portraits of the leader, and described the 
distinguishing features of some of the most striking ones. 
Ephraim Moses Lilien, who, though born in a Galician 
Ghetto, came under the influence of Walter Crane and Au- 
brey Beardsley, designed a stained-glass window for the B'nai 
B'rith building in Hamburg, in which the dominating figure 
of Herzl stands like Moses on a mount, with the Tables of 
the Law in his hand. Of the portraits by Struck, Reiss singled 
out for special mention the etching that portrays a brooding 
Herzl mourning a lost Zion: not a man of action, but a 
contemplative Herzl "with the expression of the galuth 

4 Theodor Herzl: A Memorial, edited by M. W. Weisgal, p. 36. 

5 Theodor Herzl: A Memorial, edited by M. W. Weisgal, pp. 111-114. 


(exile) across the brow of the leader," Boris Schatz, a native 
of Lithuania and the founder of the Bezalel School of Art 
in Jerusalem, modeled a lifelike profile relief. Saul Raskin, 
with his poetic sense of decoration, "pictured Herzl in an 
exquisite miniature as another poet who labored long and 
hard to re-create the Jewish world in the Zionist design." 
Leo Mielziner, one of the first Jewish artists of America, 
who traveled to the first Basle Congress and was thrilled by 
the personality of Herzl, drew "a portrait of a true leader, a 
strong captain, a man whom destiny would choose for an im- 
portant task." The full-length painting by Leopold Pilichow- 
ski, which was displayed on the platform at many Zionist 
Congresses, shows a dominating figure with noble linea- 
ments pointing to the Holy Land in the distance. And 
Solomon J. Solomon, R.A., who presents Herzl at the prime 
of life, "gives us a spiritually powerful portrayal in his 
sensitive style ... of a Herzl who at that time was working 
tirelessly for a cause that so many called a hopeless Utopia." 
But of all the numerous pictures of the Zionist leader pro- 
duced in his lifetime, the one that gained the widest popu- 
larity was a photograph of him on the balcony of his hotel 
at Basle, with the Rhine bridge in the backgiound, taken 
by Lilien. So pleased was Herzl with it that he wrote to 
Lilien: "Please let me also have a second copy for my mother, 
that is, she gets the first and FU keep the second." ® 

Yet his physical qualities were only secondary to the com- 
bination of intellectual gifts and moral fervor with which 
he was endowed and which he first began to reveal when he 

6 Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, p. 12. 


evolved from a journalist and playwright into a thinker, a 
visionary, and a statesman. Countless panegyrics, in prose 
and verse, and in many languages, were written at the time 
of his death and continued to be composed during the fifty 
years that have followed. They could easily fill a volume, 
but e\'en a few quotations from eulogies by his most eminent 
contemporaries should suffice. Clemenceau, who knew him 
in his Paris days, said: "Herzl was essentially a man of action, 
and a sreat man. . . . He was a man of orenius, not to be 
confounded with a man of talent. . . . Amid all the defection 
of character which marked his day, the weakness of thought, 
the furor of clashing^ interests, he dared to ffive himself. 
All the ancestral disquietude of Israel expressed itself in 
him. What audacity! What courage! What ardor of life!" ^ 
The Russian Minister, Plehve, said: "Till Dr. Herzl came 
to me, I did not know there were Jews who did not crawl." ^ 
Israel Zangwill, the first Jew in England whom Herzl 
called upon for help in the promulgation of his mission, 

It is possible that the myth-creating spirit will take possession 
of the defenseless dead and leave us little of the real Herzl whom 
we know and love. And yet the real Herzl is great enough for 
our veneration. We do not need to make false gods for ourselves 
if we have unforgettable recollections of the happy comrade 
full of pleasant hurnor, and at the same time preserve the 
memory of one who has been a prophet of Israel's independence 
and of a State that should be a model to the world.^ 

Max Nordau relates that on one occasion, when he was 

7 Theodor Herzl: A Memorial, edited by M. W. Weisgal, pp. 26-27. 

8 Speeches, Articles and Letters of Israel Zangwill, edited by M. Simon, 
p. 133. 

9 Ost und West, August, 1904. 


having breakfast with Herzl, at which their friend Alexander 
Marmorek was also present, he said to Herzl: 

If I were a believer and had the habit of indulging in mystical 
language, I would say that your appearance at the most critical 
moment in the history of the Jewish people is a work of Provi- 
dence. At this moment of torment and oppression a unique 
personality was needed, and lo, you emerge to restore hope to 
the desperate and guarantee the future to the discouraged.^^ 

Herzl dismissed the compliment rather angrily, and said that, 
if he disappeared, hundreds, nay thousands, would at once 
volunteer to carry on the work where he had left off- 
Laudatory as were the judgments of those who agreed with 
the views of Herzl or shared in his labors, it is all the more 
gratifying to find that he also evoked the admiration of his 
most redoubtable antagonist in the world of Zionist thought. 
In a new introduction that Ahad Ha-am added to the third 
volume of his collected essays, which consisted to a large 
extent of criticisms of Herzl and his policies, and which he 
was about to publish at the time of Herzl's death, he wrote 
the following striking passage: 

The actual, living Herzl said and did much that was open to 
question; and those who did not willfully blind themselves 
were bound sometimes to oppose him most strenuously. . . . But 
the ideal figure of Herzl, which is being created before our 
eyes in the popular mind— what a splendid vision it will be, 
and how potent its influence to cleanse that very mind of the 
taint of galuth, to awaken it to a sense of national self-respect, 
and to whet its desire for a real national life! The first-fruits 
of that influence are already visible, before the month of mourn- 
ing is over. . . . And, of course, imagination has not yet finished 
its work. The creation is not yet perfected. As time goes on, 

10 Ost und West, August, 1904. 


and the ideal picture of the national hero attains its perfect 
form, he will perhaps become for our day what the national 
heroes were for our ancestors in days gone by: the people will 
make him the embodiment of its own national ideal, in all its 
radiance and purity, and will derive from him strength and 
courage to struggle onward indefatigably along the hard road of 
its history. 

. . . One thing Herzl gave us involuntarily, which is perhaps 
greater than all that he did of set purpose. He gave us himself, 
to be the theme of our Hymn of Revival, a theme which imagina- 
tion can take and adorn with all the attributes needed to make 
of him a Hebrew national hero, embodying our national as- 
pirations in their true form.^^ 

Ahad Ha-am showed true foresight in picturing Herzl as 
the national hero, for of all the great figures that have 
adorned the annals of Israel since the days of its dispersion, 
his name is the best known, his achievement is most widely 
appreciated, and his memory is most deeply venerated. There 
have been other men of action and men of thought, but 
none who combined action and thought in a manner to 
prove of enduring benefit to untold generations. There have 
been illustrious scholars and scientists, philosophers and 
poets, whose works have been read and studied, but by only 
a section of the Jewish people and probably understood by 
a smaller section. There have been noble-hearted human- 
itarians and philanthropists whose services, important in 
their time, were of value only to a limited number. There 
have also been statesmen whose efforts were confined to the 
betterment of the position of the Jews in one or more coun- 
tries and whose influence afterward proved ephemeral, owing 
to some political convulsion. But there was only one Jew 
whose labors were devoted not to a section of his people or 

11 Article by Leon Simon in Theodor Herzl: A Memorial, pp. 90-91. 


to a particular community, but to the whole of his people 
and for all time. His name was Theodor Herzl. 

What he accomplished was done within the small space 
of nine years, and only one who had habituated himself to 
intensive industry could have achieved it. To his friend 
Adolf Friedemann he once said: "I am always at work. When 
I wake, at four or five in the morning, I immediately think 
how I could arrange this or that. Just think— this terrible 
responsibility. It tires me out completely. But a good horse 
dies in harness." ^^ To direct the affairs of the Zionist move- 
ment was in itself a task to occupy every hour of the day, 
but he had to combine with that the exacting duties of 
literary editor of the Neue Freie Presse, and in both spheres 
of activity he displayed unusual productivity. From the day 
that he began to make preparations for the First Zionist 
Congress and during the first few years that followed, he 
wrote all his letters by hand, and even at a later period, when 
he had a secretary or two, he continued to write all im- 
portant letters and confidential memoranda in his own hand. 
The most faithful testimony to his industry consists of his 
voluminous Diary, which he began in the early summer of 
1895 and continued methodically and meticulously until 
he had to break off on May 6, 1904, by which time he had 
written enough to form three volumes, containing a total 
of eighteen hundred pages. Nor was this the only piece of 
writing that he did, for even after he became President of 
the Zionist Organization, he went on producing plays and 
feuilletons, besides giving all the spare time of three years 

12 Adolf Friedemann, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, p. 91. 


to Altneuland. And another striking testimony to his in- 
dustry consists of the record of his countless fatiguing jour- 
neys across Europe and to Palestine and Egypt (when 
methods of travel were less developed and much slower than 
they are today) as well as of his numerous interviews with 
personalities of political eminence. 

He opened up a new epoch in the history of his people, 
releasing forces that influenced not only his own generation 
but also those that followed. His career presented some strik- 
ing paradoxes. Surrounded by the distractions of the gay 
cities of Vienna and Paris, where a man of his social charm 
and intellectual gifts might have been tempted to enjoy 
the pleasures at his command, he elected to undertake a 
mission that called for an unusual measure of altruism and 
austerity, and in the prosecution of which he used up the 
hard-earned savings intended for his wife and children. 
Standing on the brink of the abyss of assimilation, in his 
middle thirties, and undeterred by scoffers and skeptics, he 
not only stimulated those loyal to their ancestral traditions 
who daily prayed for the restoration of Zion to begin working 
for it, but also succeeded in winning back thousands of Jews, 
if not to the faith of their fathers, certainly to the people 
from whom they were drifting, and in infusing them with 
a sense of national pride and a feeling of greater self-respect 
and moral courage than they had previously possessed. Of 
the Jews of the latter category, Wickham Steed wrote: "To 
minds like these Zionism came with the force of an evangel. 
To be a Jew and to be proud of it; to glory in the power 
and pertinacity of the race, its traditions, its triumphs, its 
sufferings, its resistance to persecution; to look the world 
frankly in the face, and to enjoy the luxury of moral and 
intellectual honesty . . . was the train of thought fired in 


youthful Jewish minds by the Zionist spark." ^^ Nor was it 
less of a paradox that he, who had so little of Hebrew learn- 
ing, should, through the repercussions of his movement, 
have given an impetus to the revival of Hebrew as a living 
language and to the production of a rich and ever-growing 
literature in that tongue, and likewise inaugurated a veri- 
table Jewish renaissance. 

The services that he has rendered to his people have found 
bountiful acknowledgment in the homage he has received. 
Countless are the Jewish homes, from London to Welling- 
ton, and from Vancouver to Rome, in which his portrait 
occupies a place of honor; countless are the Jewish societies 
and institutions of all kinds that have adopted his name; 
and countless, too, are those who were named after him by 
their zealous fathers. On every anniversary of his death, there 
was a reverent pilgrimage to his grave in Vienna; in syna- 
gogues and halls throughout the world there were solemn 
gatherings, at which fervent tributes were paid to his revered 
memory; and all looked forward to the day when his body 
would be taken to the land for the regaining of which he 
had given his life. 

At length, on November 29, 1947, the dream of Theodor 
Herzl found fulfillment in the decision of the United Nations 
that a Jewish State should be created in Palestine; and on 
May 14, 1948, the establishment of the State of Israel was 
proclaimed by its first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion. 
In the following year, on August 17, 1949, the earthly re- 
mains of the spiritual founder of the State were transferred 
from Vienna to Israel, by air, and, in the presence of mem- 

13 From a long and eloquent tribute to Zionism in The Hapsburg 
Monarchy (2nd edit. 1914), pp. 175-177, by Henry Wickham Steed, who was 
the Vienna correspondent of The Times in 1902-1913 and editor in 1919- 


bers of the Government, of the Rabbinate, and of thousands 
of representatives of all sections of the people from all parts 
of the country, and in an imposing and moving ceremonial 
befitting the historic event, they were laid in their last rest- 
ing-place, on a hill west of Jerusalem, the highest point of 
the Holy City, forever afterward to be known as Mount 



A. Works by Theodor Herzl 
Der Judenstaat, Breitenstein, 1896. {The Jewish State, translated 

by Sylvie d'Avigdor, third edition, revised with Foreword 

by Israel Cohen, Central Office of Zionist Organization, 

London, 1936.) 
Altneuland: Roman, Hermann Seeman Nachfolger, Leipzig, 

Zionistische Schriften, edited by Leon Kellner, 1905; second 

edition, Jiidischer Verlag, Berlin, 1920. 
Theodor Herzls Tagebilcher, three volumes, Jiidischer Verlag, 

Berlin, 1922-1923. 
The Diaries of Theodor Herzl (abridged English version), edited 

and translated by Marvin Lowenthal, New York, 1956, Lon- 
don, 1958. 
Das Neue Ghetto (drama), Vienna, 1898; new edition, R. Lowit 

Verlag, Vienna-Berlin, 1920. 
Der FlUchtling (comedy), Reclams Universal-Bibliothek (No. 

2387), Leipzig. 
Das Palais Bourbon, Duncker und Humblot, Leipzig, 1895. 
Philosophische Erzdhlungen, Gebriider Paetel, Berlin, 1900; new 

edition, Benjamin Harz, Berlin-Vienna, 1919. 
Feuilletons, two volumes, with an Introduction by Raoul 

Auernheimer, Benjamin Harz, Berlin-Vienna, 1903. 

B. Biographies of Herzl 
Bein, Alex, Theodor Herzl Biographie, Fiba Verlag, Vienna, 
1934; abridged English translation by Maurice Samuel, 
Jewish Publication Society of America, Philadelphia, 1940. 



Cohen, Israel, Theodor Herzl: His Life and Times, Jewish 
Religious Educational Publications, London, 1953. 

Friedemann, Adolf, Das Leben Theodor Herzls, Jiidischer Ver- 
lag, Berlin, 1914. 

Haas, Jacob de, Theodor Herzl, two volumes, New York, 1927. 

Kellner, Leon, Theodor Herzls Lehrjahre (1860-1895), R. Lowit 
Verlag, Vienna-Berlin, 1920. 

Thon, Osias, Theodor Herzl, Berlin, 1914. 

Weisgal, Meyer W. (editor), Theodor Herzl: A Memorial (con- 
tributions by numerous writers). New York, 1929. 

C. Periodicals 
The Jewish Chronicle, 1896; unpublished letters of Hei^zl in 

issues of The Jewish Chronicle, August 19 to September 16, 

Die Welt, Vienna, Cologne, and Berlin, 1897-1914; memorial 

issues, 1904, 1910 (May 20), 1914 (July 3). 
Ost und West, Berlin, August, 1904. 

D. Biographies of Herzl's Co- Workers 
Cohn, Emile Bernhard, David Wolffsohn: Herzls Nachfolger, 

Amsterdam, 1939. 
Klausner, Joseph, Menahem Ussishkin, Zionist Federation of 

Great Britain, 1944. 
Nordau, Anna and Maxa, Max Nordau, translated from the 

French, New York, 1943. 
Robinsohn, Abraham, David Wolffsohn, Jiidischer Verlag, Berlin, 

Weizmann, Chaim, Trial and Error (autobiography), London, 


E. Miscellaneous 
Boehm, Adolf, Die Zionistische Bewegung, volume I (to 1918), 

Vienna, 1935. 
Billow, Prince von. Memoirs, 1897-1903, volume I, London, 



Cohen, Israel, The Zionist Movement, London, 1945. '' 

, A Short History of Zionism, London, 1951. 

Einstein, Albert, About Zionism, London, 1930. 

Hess, Moses, Rome and Jerusalem, translated by Meyer Waxman, 
New York, 1945. 

Pinsker, Leon, Road to Freedom: Writings and Addresses (in- 
cluding Auto-Emancipation), with an Introduction by B. 
Netanyahu, New York, 1944. 

Rabinowicz, Oskar K., Fifty Years of Zionism (a historical anal- 
ysis of Dr. Weizmann's Trial and Error), second edition, 
London, 1952. 

Simon, Leon, Studies in Jewish Nationalism, London, 1920. 

Sokolow, Nahum, History of Zionism (1600-1918), two volumes, 
London, 1919. 

, Hibbath Zion, Jerusalem, 1935. 

Steed, H. Wickham, The Hapsburg Monarchy, second edition, 
London, 1914. 

Zangwill, Israel, Dreamers of the Ghetto, London, 1899. 

, Speeches, Articles, and Letters, edited by Maurice Simon, 

London, 1937. 



Those in search of references to a person, place, or inci- 
dent, will find it helpful also to consult the synopsis of the 
relevant chapters. 

Abdul Hamid, Sultan of Turkey, 
113, 146, 176-177, 215-216, 219- 
220, 223-224, 226-227, 230-231, 
233, 239; audience to Herzl, 
241-243; 249, 252, 253; pro- 
posals for Jewish immigration, 
260; 276-277 seq., 285, 290, 295- 
296, 334, 370 

Abrahams, Israel, 85 

Acre, Sandjak of, 306, 352 

Actions-Komitee (Actions Com- 
mittee), 158, 169, 214, 224, 247, 
289, 330, 345, 352 seq., 356 

Adler, Dr. Hermann, Chief Rabbi, 
85, 149 

Admath Yeshurun, 103 

Agence Havas, 123 

Ahad Haam (Asher Ginzberg), 
160, 254, 284, 374-375 

Ahmed Midhat Effendi, 146, 148 

Ahmed Tewfik, 233 

Akademische Lesehalle, 28, 52 

Alawerdow, 116 

^/6m, 28, 31,32-33, 102 

Alexander III, Tsar, 311 

Alexandria, 198-199 

Alfonso, King, 371 

AliNouri Bey, 351-352 

Alien Immigration, Royal Com- 
mission, 267 seq., 324 

Alkalai, Jehuda Hai, 24-25 

Allemania, 29 

Allgemeine Israelitische Wochen- 
schrift, 98 

Altneuland, 45, 217, 236, 266 (com- 
pleted), 280-284, 290, 348, 377 

Amalfi, 39 

Amsterdam, 180 

Anatolia, 261 

Anglo-Jewish Association, 117 

Anglo-Jewish Community, 222 

Anglo-Palestine Bank, 324 

Company, 324-331 

Anti-Semitism, at school, 22; at 
University, 27; racial, 30; in 
Austria, 35, 37, 55, 60, 63-64, 79 
seq., 91-93, 99, 191; in Russia, 

Apostolic Delegate (Constantino- 
ple), 162 

Nuncio (Vienna), 162 

Arbela, Dr. D', 142 

Argentina, Jewish colonies in, 69, 
86, 98, 155; suggested by Herzl, 

Argyll, Duchess of, 275 




Arif (Turkish official), 277, 278 
Armenian revolt, 110, 114, 116, 

119, 130 
Ashkenazim, 153 
Asia Minor, 249 

Assimilation, in Russia, 308; 377 
Assuan Dam, 292 
Athenaeum Club, 181 
Auersperg, Count, 234-235 
Aufsichtsrat, 214 
Aussee, Alt Aussee, 76, 230, 279, 

322, 338 
Austin, Alfred, 222 
Austria, anti-Semitism in, 78-79; 

Zionists in, 102; politics in, 221 
Austrian Foreign Office, 133 
Auto-Emancipation, 90, 102 
Avigdor, Elim d', 99 
Sylvie d', 99 

Bacher, Eduard, 40, 41, 47, 79 seq., 
98-99, 129, 133, 150, 162, 169, 
170-172, 188-189, 212, 215, 218, 
230, 240 

Baden, Grand Duke of, 106-108, 
116, 141, 164, 170, 177-178. 185, 
200, 204, 210, 216-217, 221, 246. 
250, 304, 334-336, 341 

Badeni, Count Kasimir, 81-82, 
131-132, 136 

Bagdad, 243 

Bahr, Hermann, 33 

Baker, Sir Benjamin, 292 

Balfour Cabinet, 268 

Balfour Declaration, 369 

Baltic Provinces, 313 

Bambus, Willi, 139, 140, 143, 145, 

Bank of England, 270 

Bank, Jewish Colonial. See Jew- 
ish Colonial Trust 

Bank Leumi le-Israel, 324 

Bar-Mitzvah, 22, 24 

Barnay, Ludwig, 54 

Barrington, Eric. 229, 321 

Bartlett, Sir Ashmead. 209 

Basle, 149, 151,213,253 

Basle Program, 157-158, 168, !07, 

274, 309, 332, 333, 342, 352 
Battersea, Lady, 236, 275, 276, 291 
Beer, Friedrich, 57, 59, 123-124 
Beirut, Vilayet of, 186, 285 
Belgium, 36 

Belkowsky. Prof. G., 323, 345 
Bellamy, Edward, 71, 74 
Benedikt, Moritz, 79 seq., 132-133. 

147-148, 150, 169, 170, 172, 188- 

189, 237, 240, 246, 248, 294 
Ben-Gurion, D., 368, 378 
Ben-Jacob, 316-317 
Ben-Yehudah, E., 102, 105, 189 
Bentwich, H., 174, 181 
Berkowicz, Michael, 95 
Berlin, 36-37, 43, 62, 66. 143, 145. 

166-167, 183 
Berlin Treaty, 228 

Conference, 277 

University, 30 

Berliner Tageblatt, 37, 40, 149 
Bernhardiner, Der (play), 43 
Bernhardt, Sarah, 34 
Bernstein-Kohan, Dr., 247, 329, 

Bessarabia, 302 
Bezalel School, 302 
Biarritz, 47 

Bierer, Rubin, 102-103 
Bilitz, Rebecca, 20 
Birnbaum, Nathan, 102, 140, 143, 

Bismarck, Prince, 74, 115, 127, 142 
Bjornson, B., 48 
Black Sea, 263 
Blankensee, 361 


Blaue Donau, Die, 51 
Bloch, Ivan, 210, 211 
Bloch, Dr. Joseph, 146, 165 
Blowitz, de, 40 
Blumenthal, Oscar, 41 
Boardof Control, 214 
Bodenheimer, Dr. M., 138, 174, 

188-189, 196, 323 
Boer War, 222 
Bordeaux, 46 

Bonetti (Apostolic Delegate), 162 
Bosporus, 351 
Bourgeois, Leon, 210 
Boutros Ghali Pasha, 289, 297 
Boyd Carpenter, Bishop, 249 
Bramley Moore, Bishop, 249 
Bramley, Jennings, 293 
Brazil, 281 
Bribery, 245 
Brighton, 42 
British Government, 267, 275, 325 

seq., 366. See also England 
Broze (settler), 198 
Buber, Martin, 254, 284 
Buck der Narrheit, 38, 41, 53 
Budapest, 19, 21, 25, 26, 111, 230, 

233, 238 
Buhnenwelt, Die, 40 
Bukowina, 158, 224 
Bulgaria, Prince (King) of, 126 
Bulow, Count von, 178-179, 184, 

186-187, 190-192, 196-197, 199; 

Memoirs, 201; 205, 212, 323 
Bund, 316 
Bundists, 317 
Burg Theatre, 33, 38, 42, 43-44, 

52-54, 159, 220 
Burlington Hotel, 181 
Burschenschaft. See Fraternities 

Cairo, 289-290, 294 seq.; Herzl's 
visit, 298 

Canada, 169 

Canadian Zionist Federation, 222 

Capri, 39-40 

Carey, Henry, 77 

Carlsbad, 116, 126,360 

Carnegie, Andrew, 249 

Cassel, Sir Ernest, 292 

Caucasus Mountains, 243, 324 ^ 

Causa Hirschkorn, Die, 33 

Caux, 72 

Caxton Hall, 272 

Chamber of Deputies, 34, 48-49, 

Chamberlain, Joseph, 275, 285, 

287-288, 290, 294, 299-300, 305- 

306, 320 seq., 330 
Chartered Company, 191, 213 
Chassidim, 105 
Chlumezky, Baron, 55 
Clemenceau, C, 373 
Clerkenwell Town Hall, 168 
Cohen, Alfred, 144, 294 
Cohn, Emil B., 139 
Cohn, Rabbi Dr., 161 
College of Cardinals, 347 
Cologne, 101, 138, 146, 208, 269 
Colonial Office (British), 286, 287, 

Columbus, 309 
Comedies. See Play-writing 
"Concordia," 41, 97 
Congo Free State, 307 
Congress, Zionist, First (1897), 


Second (1898), 173-176 

Third (1899), 213-215 

Fourth (1900), 227-229 

Fifth (1901), 253-255 

Sixth (1903), 323-333 

Constans (French Ambassador), 


Constantine, Grand Duke, 247, 

Constantinople, Herzl's first visit, 


Herzl's second visit, 189-192 

Herzl's third visit (1901), 


Herzl's fourth visit (1902), 


Herzl's fifth visit (July, 1902), 

Constanza, 258, 264 
Cook's Archipelago, 280 
Co-operative system, 282, 355 
Coquelin, 34 

Correspondance de I'Est, 163, 208 
Courland, 313 
Cowen, Joseph, 237, 251, 256, 258, 

263-264, 299, 323, 333, 344 
Cracow, 143 
Credit Anstalt, 215 
Creighton, Bishop, 181 
Crespi (Turkish agent), 231-232, 

235-236, 238-239, 241, 244 
Crete, 109, 177,287 
Croatia, 19, 21 
Cromer, Lord, 287-288, 289, 295, 

298-299, 301, 337 
Cromwell, 100 
Cultural Zionism, 160 
Culture, Jewish national, 215, 229, 

Cyprus, 217, 286, 288 
Cyrenaica, 345 

"Dade" (pet name for D. Wolff- 

sohn), 223, 365 
Daily Chronicle, 163, 165 
Daily Mail, 264 
Daily News (London), 264 
Dame in Schwarz, Die (play), 44 

Daniel Deronda, 86 

DaoutEffendi, 113 

Daudet, Alphonse, 48, 64, 65 

David Alroy, 100 

Dead Sea, 281 

Death of Herzl, 362; thoughts on 
death, 359 

Debt Control Commission, 113 

Delamere, Lord, 336 

Democratic Zionist Fraction, 254 

Dessauer (bank director), 89, 132 

Deutsche Bank, 204 

Deutsche Zeitung, 37 

Devil's Island, 65, 66 

Diamant, Jeanette, 19 

Wolf Herman, 19 

Diaries, Herzl's, 25, 31, 33, 37, 55, 
67-68, 71, 88, 90, 113, 116, 123, 
127, 128, 132, 134, 141, 153, 159, 
162, 170, 178, 188, 206, 229, 235- 
236, 238-239, 240, 247, 257, 267, 

Diaspora, 160 

Dickens, Charles, 357 

Digby, Sir Kenelm, 272 

Disraeli, Benjamin, 100, 225, 226 

DjervadBey, 112 

Doblinger Cemetery, 301, 364 

Doctor juris, 34 

Dreyfus affair, 191 

Dreyfus, Alfred, 65-67 

Dreyfus, Dr. Charles, 331 

Drishath Zion, 102 

Drumont, Edouard, 64 

Duchess of Argyll, 275 

Duel, 29, 35 

Diihring, Eugen, 30-31, 63 

Duke of Antioch, 29 

Northumberland, 249 

Duma, 328 

Dziennik Polski, 135 



East Africa project, 320-332, 354 
East End (London), 120-122, 229 
Eastbourne, 42 
Eastern Europe, Jews of, 140, 159, 

215, 228, 267, 271, 273-274, 289 
Edlach, 289, 338, 361 seq. 
Education, Herzl's, 20, 21, 22-23 
Edward VII, King, 238, 249, 371 
Egypt, 287, 289, 299-300, 377 
Egyptian Government, 290 seq., 

294 seq., 299, SOI, 305,325 
Ehrenpreis, Dr. M., 143 
Ehrlich, Dr., 80, 83 
Eichenstamm, Prof., 283 
Eiffel, Gustave, 49 
Eisik, Rabbi, 138 
El-Arish scheme, 286 seq., 288, 

300, 332 
Eliot, Sir Charles, 336 
Eliot, George, 86, 100 
Elizabeth, Empress, 178 
Emigration, from Russia, 69, 133, 

275, 304, 308-309, 324, 335, 356; 

from Rumania, 226-227 
England, Herzl's first visit, 41-42 
England and Zionism, 168, 227- 

228, 325 seq. 
English Zionist Federation, 169, 

215, 222 
Esterhazy, Major, 66 
Eugene, Archduke, 360 
Eulenburg, Count August zu, 190 
Eulenburg, Count Philipp zu, 

170-171. 177-179, 180, 183, 200, 

322, 336 
European Control Commission, 

Evans-Gordon, Major, 270, 272, 

Eydtkuhnen, 318 
"Ezra" (society), 138 

Ferdinand, Prince of Bulgaria, 

Feuilletons (Herzl's), 33, 39, 42, 

46, 286, 291, 292, 294, 363, 376 
Fiori, de (journalist), 350 
Flag, Jewish, 94, 363 
Fleischel, Philip, 19 
Floh, Der (journal), 37 
Florence, 39 

Fliichtling, Der (play), 38, 42, 54 
Foreign Office, British, 286, 288, 

292, 321, 340, 350-351 

Russian, 355 

Founders' Shares, 214 

France Juive, La, 64 

France, Anatole, 48 

Francis Joseph, Emperor, 78, 136 

Frankfurter Zeitung, 40 

Franzensbad, 357, 360 

Franzensfeste (Tyrol), 246 

Fraternities, students', 30-32 

Freiland, 77 

French Academy, 49 

Government, 295 

politics, 50 

Friedemann, Adolf, 23, 284, 359, 

370, 372, 376 
Friedjung, Heinrich, 37 
Friedmann, Paul, 301 

Siegwart, 36 

Fugitive, The (play), 53, 54 

Galicia, Zionists in, 135, 137, 142, 
158; conditions in, 271; restric- 
tions in, 220 

Galilee, 296 

Galveston, 345 

Garstin, Sir William, 298, 300-301 

Caster, Rev. Dr. M., 121, 149, 172, 
174, 188,222,229,249 

General Council, 158 

George, Henry, 77 



German Emperor, 74. See Wil- 
liam II 

Geulah Society, 337 

GhalibBey, 261 

Ghetto, 55, 56, 57, 58 

Ghetto, The (play), 57 

Ginzberg, Asher, 160 

Girardi, 217 

Gladstone, W. E., 99 

Glogau, Dr., 81 

Goldberg, Boris, 318 

Golden Book, 359 

Goldmann, Paul, 51 

Goldsmid, Col. Albert E., 85-86, 
111, 119, 121, 122, 135, 144, 145, 
149, 168, 181, 293-294, 297-299, 
300-301, 337 

Goluchowski, Count, 221, 336, 

Gomperz, Prof., 98 

Goodman, Paul, 168 

Gordon, David, 138 

Gordon, Hon. Mrs. E. A., 353 

Gortschakoff, Prince, 47 

Gottheil, Rabbi Dr. G., 149 

Prof. Richard, 173, 237 

Great Assembly Hall (London), 

Greco-Turkish War, 145 

Greeks, 287 

Greenberg, L. J., 174, 215, 267- 
268, 285, 289-291, 294-297, 299, 
305-306, 320, 321, 330, 336, 342, 
343-344, 349, 350 

Gretel (play), 44 

Gross, Wilhelm, 131 

Griinfeld, Dr., 136, 137,264 

Guas Ngishu Plateau, 351 

Giidemann, Moritz, Chief Rabbi 
of Vienna, 71-72, 74, 76-77, 80, 
87, 89, 90, 142-143 

Gunnersbury, 275 

Giinzberg, Baron Horace de, 313 
Gutmann, David, 83 

Haas, Jacob de, 122, 134, 135, 144, 

Hague, The, 180,209,210 
Haham Bashi, 242 
Haifa, 277, 281 
Hamaggid, 138 
Hamburg, 37, 62 
Hartmann, Ernst, 33, 38 
Hartwig, von, 310, 314-315, 335 
Hashiloach, 161 
Hastings, 42 
Hauran, 142 
Hebrew language, 22, 95, 102, 174, 

284, 378 
Hebrew University, 105 
Hechler, Rev. W., 105, 116, 130- 

131, 141, 151, 170, 177, 178, 193, 

196, 200, 212, 216, 361 
Hedjaz railway, 230, 264, 266 
Heidelberg, 36 
Heine, 40, 73 
Heinemann, William, 84 
Hertz, Rev. Dr. J. H., 222 
Hertzka, Theodor, 77 
Herzl, Hans, 46, 365 

Jacob, 19, 20, 35, 39, 146, 

147, 206, 246; death of, 268-269 

Jeanette (Theodor's mother), 

19, 322, 357 

J'jlie (Theodor's wife), 49, 

357, 361-362, 365 

■ Pauline (Theodor's sister), 

19, 25 

Pauline (Theodor's daugh- 

ter), 44, 365 
Simon (Theodor's 

father), 20, 24, 25, 112 

Trude (Margarete, 

dor's daughter), 50, 365 




Hess, Moses, 101, 239 

Hesse, 191 

Hesse, General von, 250 

Hesse, Grand Duke of, 108, 212, 

216, 304 
Hevra Kadisha, 21 
Heyse, Paul, 62 
Hildesheimer, Hirsch, 139, 140, 

Hill, Sir Clement, 321, 330, 342 
Hindlip, Lord, 336 
Hirsch, Baron de, 68-70, 74, 86, 

98, 107, 126 
Hirsch Foundation. See Jewish 

Colonization Association 
Hirsch, Dr. S. A., 86 
Hirschkorn Case, The, 53 
Hochschule, 254 

Hoehne (German diplomat), 66 
Holland, 36 
Holy Places, 110, 152, 162, 311, 

Holy Synod, 303 
Holzmann, Dr., 140 
Hotel Castille, 123, 179, 211 
House of Commons, 118 
House of Lords, 270 
Hovevei Zion, 86, 100, 102, 103, 

121, 122, 127, 138-139, 140, 143. 

144, 145, 152, 160, 168, 247, 337 
Hungarian Government, 357 
Hurst, C. J. B., 321 

Ibrahim Bey, 240, 241, 244-245, 
252, 253, 258, 261, 263, 264-266, 
276, 277, 278-279, 296, 376 

Ignatius, Father, 183 

/ Love You (play), 44, 220 

Illnesses, Herzl's, 169, 195, 211; 
cerebral anemia, 226, 248, 257; 
palpitations of heart, 289, 323; 
fainting fit, 291; exhaustion. 

334; deterioration of heart, 357- 
358; final illness, 360-361 

Immigration, into Palestine, 129, 
155, 236, 250; into Asia Minor 
and Mesopotamia, 262; into 
England, 270 seq.; restriction in 
America, 328 

Inquisition, 20 

Intermarriage, 273 

Iricz, Adolf, 21 

Irvingite Church, 249 

Ischl, 140 

Ish-Kishor, E., 122 

Isle of Wight, 42 

Ismailia, 294 

Israel, State of, 367, 369, 378 

Israeiitische Union, 136 

Israels, Josef, 180 

Italy, 39, 46 

"I.T.O." See Jewish Territorial 

Izzet Bey, Sultan's secretary, 108, 
112, 114, 127, 129, 219, 244-245, 
252, 259, 260, 261, 263-264, 265- 
267, 296, 306, 340, 352 

Jabotinsky, V., 332 

Jacobs, Joseph, 85 

Jacobson, Dr. Victor, 323, 329, 

Jaffa, 192-193 

Jaffa-Jerusalem railway, 238 
Jahreskonferenz, 289 
Jakowlew, 112-113 
James of Hereford, Lord, 268, 

Jameson, Dr. Starr, 251 
Ja-Sager, 331 

Jasinowski, Dr. I., 306, 339 
Jawitz, Wolf, 318 
Jensen, W., 30 
Jericho, 281 



Jerusalem, British Consul, 101; 
Herzl's visit, 195-196; Sandjak 
of, 285 

Jewish Academy, 283 

Jewish Chronicle (London), 85- 
86, 90, 183 

Jewish Colonial Trust (Bank), 168, 
174-175, 180, 181, 204, 205-206, 
211-212, 214, 220, 221-222, 228, 
238, 239, 240, 248, 253, 254, 265, 
297, 312, 321, 324, 331, 367 

Jewish Colonization Association, 
69, 119, 123, 128, 134, 165, 211, 
247-249, 292-293, 300, 301, 332 

Jewish Company, 94-95, 163 

Jewish Eastern Company, 282, 
285, 287, 289, 292, 297 

Jewish National Fund, 157, 161, 
165, 255 

Jewish question, 55 seq., 60-61, 67 

Jewish Society, 282 

Jewish Slate, The (brochure), 27, 
72-73, 91-96, 97 seq., 117, 127, 
139, 141, 142-143, 179 

Jewish State, 89-90, 247, 366, 378 

Jewish Territorial Organization, 

Jewish Workingmen's Club (Lon- 
don), 120 

Jewish World, The, 183 

Jezreel, Vale of, 282 

Joffe, Dr., 293 

Johnston, Sir Harry, 335 

Joneu, von, 315 

Journal of a Jewish Traveller, 353 

Judenstaat, Der, 87, 91, 96-97 

Kadimah (students' Zionist soci- 
ety), 102, 104, 156 

Kahn, Chief Rabbi Zadok. See 
Zadok Kahn 

Kahn, Dr. Leopold, 306, 350, 352, 

Kaiser, German. See William II 
Kalischer, Hirsch, 102 
Kana, Heinridi, 33, 44-45 
Kann, Jakobus, 180, 181, 204, 208, 

209, 212, 222-223, 232 
Kapnist, Ambassador, 203, 219 
Karatheodory Pasha, 111, 277 
Karlsruhe, 107,221,246 
Kdtchen (play), 44 
Kattowitz, 103, 143 
Katzenelsohn, Dr. N., 250, 290, 

Kellner, Leon, 23, 30, 67, 137, 170, 

209, 237 
Kemeth (German official), 195 
Kensington Gardens, 229 
Kessler, Leopold, 293, 297 
Kew Gardens, 250 
Khair Eddin Bey, 113 
Khalil Rif at Pasha, 113 
Kharkov, 339, 344-345, 354 
Khedive of Egypt, 296, 351 
Kingscourt, M., 280 
Kipling, Rudyard, 249 
Kireyev, General, 310, 315, 335 
Kishineff, 302-304 
Koerber, Austrian Premier, 220, 

224, 226, 231, 234, 290, 305, 336 
Kohn, Rabbi, 25 

Kokesch, Oser, 103, 137, 306. 350 
Kolinsky, Jenny, 43 
Kolisch, Baron, 40 
Kolnische Zeitung, 172 
Korwin-Piatrowska, Mme., 306, 

Kozmian, Stanislav, 81, 132, 135, 

136, 208 
Kremenezky, Johann, 137, 216, 

232, 238, 306, 350, 361-362 


Kruger, President, 222 
Krupp, Arthur, 234 

Laharanne, E., 101 
Landau, Saul R., 109 
Langerman, Max, 251 
Lansdowne, Lord. 287-288, 290- 

291, 294, 300, 320-322, 336, 358 
Laurent, Alex, 293 
Law examination, 34 

practice, 35 

Lazare, Bernard, 123 

Lazarus, Emma, 101, 174 

Leben (Vienna weekly), 23 

Leghorn, 39 

Leo Xin, Pope, 346 seq. 

Leopold n, King, 307 

Lesseps, F., 21 

Lessing Theatre, 41 

Leven, Narcisse, 80, 124, 211, 298 

Levin, Dr. Shmarya, 329 

Levin-Epstein, 142 

Levontin, David, 238, 352, 354 

Levy, Joe, 282 

Levysohn, Dr. Arthur, 37 

Liberal Judaism, 249 

Lichtenstein, Prince, 78 

Lieben, Dr., 87 

Lilien, E. M., 371,372 

Lilienblum, Moses, 102 

Lindau, Paul, 36 

Lippay, Count, 346, 349 

Lippe, Dr. K., 154,224 

Lisbon, 306 

Lissa and Kann, 232 

Litvak, David, 281. 283 

Miriam, 283 

Lloyd George, David, 321 

Loan for Turkey, 231-232, 233, 

235, 243 seq., 262, 295 
Loebl, 21 
Loewenberg, Friedrich, 280 

Loewenstein, Princess, 249 

London, Herzl's first visit, 42 

Herzl's speeches in, 120, 121, 

182-183, 211-212; Congress in, 
227-229; 248 

Louban, Chaim, 343 

Louise, Princess, 275 

Lousada, Herbert, 144, 293-294 

"Lovers of Zion," 99. See Hovevei 

Lucanus (German Cabinet offi- 
cial), 167,204-205 

Lucerne, 34 

Lueger, Karl, 78, 131 

Lustige Blatter, 37 

Luz, 46 

Lyttelton, Hon. Alfred, 272 

Maccabaeans, The, 84-85, 117, 

119, 134,248 
Macedonia, 357 
Magyar culture, 25 
"Maledikt," 294 
Mandelstamm, Dr. M., 161, 164, 

174, 175, 188, 210, 220, 339 
Mareus, Ahron, 104-105 
Margulies, Chief Rabbi, 341 
Markus, Tobias, 225 
Marmorek, Alexander, 75, 172, 

211, 223, 247, 291, 323, 374 
Oskar, 188, 228, 240, 243- 

244, 293, 306, 350, 362 
Marranos, 20 

Marriage, Herzl's, 43, 45-46, 49-50 
Marschall, von (Ambassador in 

Constantinople), 177, 185-186, 

189, 191-192,341 
Marx, Karl, 101 
Mau Escarpment, 330 
Maybaum, Rabbi Dr. S., 149, 167 
Mazie, Dr., 193 
Mcllwraithe, Malcolm, 299 



Mediterranean, 281, 287, 288 
Medjidije, Order of, 114-115, 134 

Grand Cordon of, 241, 244 

Meisel, Rabbi, 23 

Mensdorf, Count, 360 
Merry del Val, Cardinal, 346 
Mesopotamia, 219, 261-262, 272, 

276-277, 306 
Messiah, 349 

Meyer-Cohn, Heinrich, 76 
Meyerson, Emile, 123-124 
Midian, 301 
Mielziner, Leo, 372 
Mikveh Israel, 193 
Milan, 46 

Milan, King of Serbia, 129 
"Mission of Judaism," 143 
Mocatta, F. D., 117 
Mohilever, Rabbi S., 149 
Moi (Turkish agent), 223 
Mombasa, 330 
Monson, Sir Edward, 1 10 
Montagnini, Monsignor, 163 
Montagu, Sir Samuel, 85, 99, 111, 

118, 121, 123, 130, 135, 145, 172, 

Monte Carlo, 46 
Montefiore, Claude. 117, 144, 249, 

Sir Moses, 100,215 

Sir Francis, 215, 229, 247, 

249, 332, 343-344 

More, Thomas, 74 

Moses, Dr. M., 143 

Mosque of Omar, 110 

Motzkin, Leo, 157, 169, 174, 213, 

Mount Carmel, 281 
Mount Herzl, 378 
Mount Vesuvius, 39 
Mozambique, 305-306 
Muller, Adolf, 44 

Miinchner Allgemeine Zeitung, 98 
Munich, 42, 69, 76, 144, 148 
Muraviev, Count, 203, 217, 219 
Miittersohnchen (farce), 217 
"Mutualism," 282 
Myers, Asher, 85-86 

Nachtasyl, 327 

Nairobi, 330 

Naischul, Aryeh, 318 

Naples, 39, 199 

Napoleon Bonaparte, 100, 315 

Napoleon III, 101 

Naschauer, Jacob, 43 

Julie, 42 

Natchevitch (Bulgarian Minister), 

Nathan, Sir Matthew, 85 

National Fund, Jewish. See Jew- 
ish National Fund 

National- J udentum (by Chief Rab- 
bi Giidemann), 143 

Nazarbek, 119 


Neue Freie Presse, 37, 40, 41, 42, 
46-47, 49, 60, 75, 79 seq., 88 seq., 
98-99, 115, 128, 131, 147-148, 
162, 165, 169, 171, 172, 180, 209, 
215-216, 217; discussion about 
sale, 218; 223, 226, 234, 241-242, 
246, 248, 258, 263, 265, 270, 279, 
286, 322 

Neues von der Venus (causeries), 

Neues Wiener Tageblatt, 162 

New Court, 269 seq., 275 seq. 

New Ghetto, The, 62, 64, 166 

Newlinsky, Count Philip M., 109- 
114, 118, 126-127, 129, 133, 135, 
149, 151, 163, 203-204, 206-208, 

New York, 149 


New York Herald, 142, 148 

New Zealand, 168 

Nice, 46 

"Night-shelter," 353 

Nile, River, 300, 305 

Noah, Mordecai M., 101 

Nordau, Max, 59-60, 66, 75, 84, 
100, 104, 106, 110, 111, 117, 123, 
124-125, 134, 154-155, 157, 165, 
167, 174, 180, 188, 205, 211, 218, 

222, 228, 229, 237, 247, 254, 284, 
291, 299, 327-329, 333, 343 (at- 
tempt on life), 373 

Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeit- 

ung, 98 
Norman, Henry, 272 
North American Review, 67 
Nouri Bey, 210, 215, 216-217, 219, 

223, 227, 230, 231, 244, 252 
Novikoff, Mme. Olga, 310 
Nutt, David, 99 

Odessa Committee, 103, 139, 140, 

Oesterreichische Wochenschrift, 

143, 146, 165 
Oliphant, Laurence, 101 
Oppenheimer, Dr. Franz, 332, 355 
Ostdeutsche Rundschau, 147 
Ostend, 42 
Ottoman Government, 341, 352, 

Ottoman Jewish Company, 249, 

Ottoman Public Debt, 236, 242, 

256, 260, 262, 265, 267, 276, 278 

Padua, 39 

Palace of Peace, 283 

Palais Bourbon, Das (book), 50, 

Palais Bourbon, 49, 156 

Pale of Settlement, 308-309, 313 
Palestine, proposed in The Jewish 

State, 93-94 
Palestine Society, Imperial Rus- 
sian, 315 
Pall Mall Gazette, 163, 171 
Palmerston, Lord, 100-101 
Papal Nuncio, 110, 162, 203 
Paraty, Count, 305-306 
Pare Monceau, 50 
Paris, 34, 37, 47, seq., 60, 75-76, 

84, 86, 123, 167, 179, 246, 299- 

300, 343 
Peace Conference, 209 
Pelusium Plain, 300 
Pereires, 247 
Persecution, 120, 273 
Pest, 24. See also Budapest 
Pester Journal, 23 
Pester Lloyd, 33 
Philanthropy, 326, 332 
Philippson, Franz, 307 
Philosophical Tales, 233, 261, 265 
Piatrowska, Mme. von Korwin, 

306, 340 
Pilichowski, Leopold, 372 
Pinsker, Leo, 80, 90, 102, 103 
Pisa, 39 
Play-writing, 32, 36, 41-42, 43-44, 

51, 54, 57-58, 166, 189, 213, 217, 

220, 252, 376 
Plehve, v., 303, 304, 306-315, 334- 

335, 340, 341-342, 356, 358, 373 
Pogroms, 100, 302-303 
Poland, 103 
Politische Korrespondenz, 163, 

Politzer, Adam, 36 
Pope Leo XIH, 129, 162; Herzl's 

audience, 348 seq. 
Portheim, Paul von, 33 
Portuguese Government, 305 



Potsdam, 185 

Poznanski (of Lodz), 165 

Prag, Joseph, 122 

Prague, 41,43. 61,62, 217 

"Prince of Galilee," 29 

Prince of Wales, 119 

Princess Louise, 275 

Proborski, Dr., 207-208 

Procurator of Holy Synod, 218, 

Protectorate in Palestine, 184, 199, 

204, 205 
Proust, Marcel, 48 
Pyrenees, 46 

Queen's Hall, 229 

Rabbinowicz, E. W., 122 

Rabbis and Zionism, 149, 153, 161, 

Rabinowicz, Oskar K., 95, 321 
Rampolla, Cardinal, 129 
Rapoport, S., 119 
Raskin, Saul, 372 
Ravachol, 49 
Rehovoth, 142, 193, 281 
Reichenau, 43, 44, 212 
Reichenfeld, M., 218 
Reichstag, 28 
Reichswehr, 147 
Reiss, Lionel S., 371 
Reitlinger, Benno, 236, 247 
Renan, Ernest, 34 
Revolutionai~y parties, 311 
Rheinberg, 58 

Rhodes, Cecil, 251-252, 256, 264 
Richmond, 249 
Richthofen, Baron, 334 
Rishon le-Zion, 103, 193 
"Ritual murder," 303 
Rodin, Auguste, 48 
Rohling, August, 78 

Rome, 39, 346 seq. 
Rome and Jerusalem, 101, 239 
Rosebery, Lord, 271, 276 
Rosenbaum, S., 345 
Rosenfeld, Dionys, 108-109 
Rostkowski, Consul, 313, 315 
Rothschild, Hannah, 271 
Rothschild, Albert (Vienna), 74 

Alfred de (London), 271 

Baron Edmond de (Paris), 

103, 110, 117, 119, 123-124, 127, 
140, 145, 152, 163, 171-172, 193, 
247, 256, 295, 299 

Baron Alphonse de, 295, 299 

Dr. Henri de, 172 

Leopold de (London), 271- 


Lord (Nathaniel) (London), 

236, 268 seq., 274, 279, 285, 287, 
288, 291, 293, 295, 298, 299-300, 
301, 307, 314, 336, 356 

Rouvier (French Minister), 256, 
265, 267, 269, 272, 276-278 

Royal Commission, 267 

Rulf, Rabbi, Dr. I., 138, 149 

Rumania, Zionists in, 102, 103, 
121, 158; conditions in, 224, 228, 
271, 272; Jews of, 69, 226, 274 

Russia, Zionists in, 100, 102, 173, 
214, 215, 228, 239, 324, 334, 337; 
attitude to Zionism, 308 seq., 356 

Jews of, 69, 139, 140, 152, 

159-160, 203, 302 seq., 310 seq. 

Russian Ambassador (Constanti- 
nople), 335, 340, 344, 349 

(Vienna), 305 

Said Pasha, Grand Vizier, 277 
Salisbury, Lord, 110, 141, 217, 222, 

Salvador, Joseph, 101 



Salz, Dr., 143 
Salzburg, 35 
Salzkammergut, 61 
Samuel, Dr. Jacob, 57-58 
Sassoon, Sir Edward, 172 
Sanderson, Sir Thomas, 290-291, 

292, 296 
San Sebastian, 47 
Savonarola, 61 
Schach, Fabius, 157 
Schatz, Boris, 372 
Scheid, 131, 142 
Schiff, Jacob H., 299, 356, 358 
Schleimele, Reb, 318 
Schleswig-Holstein, Duke Giinter 

von, 131 
Schnabel, Albert, 59 
Schnirer, Moritz, 137, 188, 195, 

Schnitzler, Arthur, 41, 51-54, 59 
Schoenerer, Georg von, 28, 78, 147 
Scheller, 234 
Schoub, 142, 195 
Schramm, von, 58 
Schiitz, 99 

Schwarzkoppen, von, 66 
Seidener, J., 137, 188, 197-198, 238 
Seine Hoheii (play), 37, 41 
Seligman. Isaac, 171, 181, 249 
Seligmann and Marx, 172 
Semenoff, E., 303 
Semlin, 19,20,24, 105 
Sephardim, 153 
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 100 
Shapira, Prof. H., 157 
Shekel, 158, 339 
Shield of David, 147 
Shiikri Pasha, General, 341 
Siberia, 324 
Simon, Leon, 375 
Sinai Peninsula, 88, 275, 286 seq.; 

expedition, 293 seq., 300-301, 

305, 325 
Sinful Mother, The, 38 
Singer, I., 303 
Singer, Rev. S., 85-86, 111, 117. 

Smolenskin, Perez, 102 
Socialism, 56 

Socialists, 175,309,316,328 
Societe d'Etudes, 82-83 
Society of Jews, 94, 108, 111, 116- 

118, 125, 163 
Sofia, 104, 112, 115 
Sokolow, N., 173, 214, 229, 284- 

Sola, Clarence de, 222 
Solomon, Solomon J., 85, 119, 372 
Solon in Lydia, 44, 252 
Sonncnthal, Adolf, 44 
South Africa, 293 
Spain, 20 
Spaniolish, 115 
"Speech to the Rothschilds," 83- 

84, 91, 124 
Speidel, Ludwig, 55, 63 
Spinoza, 238 

St. Martin's Town Hall, 211 
St. Petersburg, 217, 303, 307 seq. 
Staal (Russian Ambassador), 210 
Stadt-Casino, 153 
Stand, Adolf, 137 
Stead, W. T., 210, 251 
Steed, H. Wickham, 377 
Stein, Prof. Ludwig, 167 
Steinek, 282 
Stephens, G. H., 292-293, 298-299, 

Stockhammern, Franz, v., 202 
Stourdza, Prime Minister (Ru- 
mania), 14-18 
Stock Exchange (Vienna), 35 
Straus, Oscar, 219 


Struck, Hermann, 370-371 

Sublime Porte. See Yildiz Kiosk 

Sudermann, Hermann, 40 

Suez Canal, 22, 293, 301 

Suffield, Lord, 256 

Sultan o£ Turkey. See Abdul 

Sulzberger, Cyrus, 328 
Suttner, Baroness von, 64, 203, 

209, 219, 305, 306, 370 
Swaythling, Lord, 85 
Switzerland, 102 
Synagogue, in Budapest, 21, 23, 

64; in Paris, 64; in Sofia, 115; 

in Basle, 153, 323; in Vilna, 316 
Syria, 250, 261 
Syrkin, Dr. N., 328 
Szeps, Moritz, 37 

Tabarin (play), 36 

Tahsin Bey, 210, 239, 241, 244- 

245, 259, 265, 276, 279, 287, 296 
Taliani, Emigidius, 162, 203 
Talmudjude, Der, 78 
Tanaland, 342 
"Tancred," 29, 100 
Tashkent, 324 
Tel-Aviv, 284 
Temple, 283 

Teufels Weib, Das (play), 44 
Teweles, Heinrich, 41, 60-61 
Tewfik Pasha, 111 
Thon, Rabbi Dr. O., 143 
Tiberias, 281 
Times, The (London), 40, 304, 

335, 336, 378 
Tiomkin, Vladimir, 331, 339, 345 
Tisza, Count, 357 
Tittoni, Italian Foreign Minister, 

348, 349 
Tolstoi, Leo, 99 
Transjordan, 101 

Trietsch, Davis, 286 

Triple Alliance, 336 

Trouville, 37, 42 

Tsar of Russia, 118, 119, 127, 135, 

203, 205, 209, 210, 216-217, 220, 

290, 295, 304-305, 306, 312, 314, 

338, 340 
Tschlenow, Dr., 247, 323, 329, 355 
Turkish Ambassador (Vienna), 

134, 145, 232, 264-265; (Berlin), 

166, 232-233; (London), 272, 

Turkish Government, 108, 133, 

165, 217, 231, 232, 236, 250, 282, 

290, 295-296, 306 
Turoff, Isaac, 143 
Tyrol, 246 

Uganda, 271, 299 seq., 305, 335, 

Uncle Tom's Cabin, 65 
Unemployment, problem of, 55 
United Nations, 366, 378 
United States, 101, 102, 153, 169, 

173, 228, 345 
University, of Vienna, 27; for 

Jerusalem, 266; of Zion, 282 
Unser Kdthchen (comedy), 188 
Ussishkin, Menahem, 140-141, 

173, 247, 337-339 
Usury, 56, 191 
Utopia, 74. 77, 87, 91, 136, 280, 


Valeof Jezreel, 218 

Vallance, Mr., 272 

Vambery, Arminius, 224-225, 230- 

231, 232-233, 238-240, 248, 250, 

252, 258, 370 
Vancouver, 378 
Vatican, 162, 163, 203, 347 seq. 
Venice, 39, 46, 255, 346 



Ventnor, 42 

Victor Emmanuel, King, 346-348 
Vienna, removal to, 26-27; anti- 
Semitism in, 78; Herzl's first 
public meeting, 136; Executive, 
Vilna, Herzl's visit to, 315-319 
Vladimir, Grand Duke, 141 

Wady el-Chanin, 193 

Wagner, Richard, 31 

Wallner, Franz, 42 

Washington, 237 

Wasserstein, 58 

Weisgal, M. W., 371, 373 

Wellisch, Dr., 239, 241, 258, 264- 

265, 266-267 
Weizmann, Chaim, 173, 214, 254, 

284, 329, 368 
Wellington, 378 
Welt, Die, 146, 147-148, 149, 150, 

167, 170, 172, 189, 199, 209, 216, 

226, 237, 285, 338, 344, 362 
Werki (suburb of Vilna), 316-317 
Werner, Dr. S., 189,362 

Rabbi, 183 

Western Wall, 195, 347 

White, Arnold, 270 

Whitechapel, 85, 182; Board of 

Guardians, 272 
Whitman, Sidney, 115, 127, 142, 

145, 146, 148, 181 
Wiart, Carton de, 299 
Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung, 33- 

34, 36, 37, 39, 43, 98, 135 
Wiener Tagblatt, S7 
Wilddiebe, Die (play), 42 
Will, Herzl's, 364-365 
William II, Kaiser, 106, 130-131, 

164, 165, 167, 170-171, 174, 179, 

180, 183, 187, 190 (audience to 

Herzl), 194 (meeting with 

Herzl), 196 (second audience to 
Herzl), 199, 204, 205, 335, 371 

Wise, Dr. Stephen, 174 

Witte, Count Serge, 210, 307, 310 

Wittman, Hugo, 42, 44, 47 

Wolf, Lucien, 85, 117, 119, 336 

Wolffsohn, David, 138-141, 168, 
171, 172, 174, 175, 180, 181, 188, 
190, 192, 194, 198, 204, 208, 211, 
212, 222-223, 232, 240, 243-244. 
269, 276, 281, 299, 361, 364, 370 

World War, First, 369 

Second, 369 

Worthing, 42 

Wurzlechner, Dr. F., 57 

Yellin, David, 105 
Yildiz Kiosk, 113, 126, 145, 163, 
177, 190, 236, 241, 246, 252, 263 
York-Steiner, H., 137 

Zadok Kahn, Chief Rabbi, 80, 84, 

110, 117, 118, 128, 131, 134, 143, 

149, 165, 247, 301 
Zangwill, Israel, 84, 229, 248, 249, 

332, 333, 345, 373 
Zeit, Die, 2bl, 286 
Ziad Pasha, 111-112 
Zichron Jacob, 337-338 
Zinoviev (Russian Ambassador), 

Zionism, origin of word, 102 
Zionist Congress. See Congress 
Zionist Executive, 216, 232, 240, 

264, 294, 298, 306-307, 331, 345, 

Zionist Organization, 163, 168, 

174, 366 
Zionist Program, 157 
Zion (Berlin monthly), 90 
Zola, Emile, 48, 66 
Zorn, Prof., 210 


Date Due 
Due Returned Due Returned 


Theodor Herzl, founder of politic Main/2 
296 C6782th 

3 15tE DEODl EtED